Rights groups call on U.N. chief to press Burma on reforms

Monday, 30 April 2012 12:56 Ron Corbe

Human rights groups are calling on United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to further press Burma’s military-backed civilian government to stay the course with reforms.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited the tomb of former U.N. Secretary-General U Thant in Rangoon to pay respect. He exchanges greetings with U Thant’s grandson on Sunday, April 29, 2012. Photo: Mizzima / Ye Min

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said upon his arrival that Burma has entered a critical moment against the backdrop of a series of political and economic reforms undertaken over the past year.

Ban, who is to meet with Burma’s President Thein Sein on Monday in the administrative capital Naypyidaw, had earlier acknowledged reform in Burma - also known as Myanmar - remained fragile with challenges ahead.

“Myanmar (Burma) is only at the beginning of its transition. Many challenges lie ahead. Many concerns have yet to be addressed," Ban said. "Yet I am convinced that we have an unprecedented opportunity to help the country advance toward a better future.”

Ban is also to meet with opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Tuesday. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) Party won a landslide victory in recent by-elections but boycotted the first sitting of parliament last week over wording of the swearing-in oath. Ban says he is hopeful the problem will be quickly resolved.

Ban’s visit comes as European Union policy chief, Catherine Ashton, is also on an official visit to Burma. 

Ashton says international business is still looking for further reform before making major investments in Burma.

The EU suspended economic sanctions in place over Burma’s past human rights record. Several countries have eased sanctions, including Canada, Australia and Japan. But the U.S. says key sanctions will remain as a leverage to press the government on reforms.

Debbie Stothard, spokesperson for rights group Alternative Asean Network, says substantive reforms are still required in areas such as legislation, as well as institutional and policy changes.

Stothard says Ban needs to press Burma’s government to move ahead with reform.

“It’s very important that Mr. Ban Ki-moon is not swept up in the euphoria and he should actually be looking at the situation with a lot of logic and stone-cold sober look at whether there is indeed reform in the country and what needs to be done; that Ban tells the Burmese authorities that this is a good start but much more needs to be done and much more quickly,” said Stothard.

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPPB) joint secretary Bo Kyi says the U.N chief should call for the release of all political prisoners and an end to army operations in ethnic border areas.

“His visit is very important. Maybe the need to discuss with the solving the problem of Burma, especially to stop the war on the Kachin state and the release of political prisoners and other human rights situations; those three issues are really important in the solving those problems Burma will not get peace,” said Bo.

The government has so far released 659 political prisoners but as many as 900 remain detained.

Ban is also set to travel to northern Shan state, a key opium growing region where a U.N. poppy eradication program has been under way. Aid agencies also expect further international aid and donor funds to flow into the country following Ban’s visit.

Challenges to civil society in Asean and beyond

Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation April 30, 2012 1:00 am

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen displayed his finest brinksmanship in handling the engagement with the Asean-based civil society organizations at the recent Asean summit in Phnom Penh. Ahead of the leader's meeting, his government organized a conference of hundreds of government-sponsored nongovernment groups from the local entities and other Asean members. It was the biggest ever in the Asean history with over 1,000 registered participants since the interface session between its leaders and the civil society started in earnest in 2005. On the same day, however at a local hotel, several dozens of Asean-based independent civil groups held a parallel conference but focusing on more senstive issues related to land evictions, migration workers' and minority' rights.

As the current chair of Asean, Hun Sen was able to set the format and agenda of the interface which has been the bone of contention in every summit in the past seven years.
The Cambodian government handpicked its representatives to take part in the dialogue while the rest of Asean groups joined in with the exception of those from Indonesia and the Philippines.
The two countries wanted to pursue the existing practice of having the interface's representatives selected by themselves and not by the leaders. As long as the Asean civil society groups lack unity, the host would be able to manipulate the agenda and dialogue. It remains to be seen how the second interface planned in November will proceed.
Cambodia represents just one of numerous governments around the world with ambivalent attitude towards the role of civil society and how far they would be allowed to partake in the decision-making. These governments have become skillful in restricting democratic space through quasi-legal and other obstacles, but short of tradition forms of repression, to civil society's activities.
At the Phnom Penh summit, the host passionately preached the virtue of building the people-centered Asean Community (AC)—meaning engaging civil society and grass root groups at large by listening and considering their inputs.
However, in reality, it is an empty promise. For the time being the interactions have been carried out officially in a limited circle with the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and selective civil society and youth leaders.

Strong political will needed
While the Asean leaders hailed the achievement of Asean Economic Community (AEC), they remained less eager to discuss the outcomes of political-security and social-cultural communities - the other two pivotal pillars. Today only the AEC scoreboard was available, which put the overall achievement at roughly 74 per cent. Obviously, just to complete the AEC in 2015 would urgently require stronger political will from the Asean leaders who are still reluctant to do so due to domestic constraints especially on non-tariff barriers and trade in service.
Furthermore, Asean senior officials also have hard times to deploy quantitative measures on non-economic cooperation to give a comprehensive picture of the community-building. For instance, how can one measure the level of political or security cooperation or knowledge of Asean among the member countries? With the AC deadlines approaching, it raises an important question whether the people-oriented community can be achieved in time without full participation of all stakeholders.
Within Asean, Cambodia was not alone as Vietnam used the similar approach during its 2010 chair, separating independent and government-sponsored non-government organisations but with greater emphasis on the latter. When the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand hosted the interfaces, their governments gave due respect to the civil society groups and listened as much they could for views and took up a long list of inputs.
That helps explain why most of active civil society groups are based in these three countries. After the adoption of Asean Charter in 2008 and the establishment of Asean Intergovernmental Commission for Human Rights, there has been a new surge of civil society groups focusing on human rights issues, apart from the environment, migration, women and children issues.
In addition, they have also quickly picked up new topics related governance and transparency. Albeit this positive development, their contributions have not yet impacted on the top-down approach of Asean decision making process. In general, the Asean leaders have not taken seriously their civil society groups.

Recognition for NGOs
Last year, Asean came up with a guideline on how to recognize the nongovernmental organizations after years of debates.
Now they can apply to become either an Asean affiliated organization or a stakeholder. The latter would be able to have an interface with the Asean leaders through their representatives. Currently, there are three organizations - Working Group for an Asean Human Rights Mechanism, Southeast Asian Fisheries Development Center and Federation of Institution of Food Science and Technology in Asean - that are acknowledged as Asean stakeholders. It is hoped that this framework will provide proper recognitions to existing civil society groups in all member countries that can lead to institutionalization of the interface with the Asean leaders. At the moment, most of the Asean affiliated organisations belonged to professional organisations such as Asean Kite Council, Asean Vegetable Oils Club, Asean Thalassaemia Society, to name but a few.
To be fair, liked Asean, civil society in other countries also face similar challenges because the governments in power continue to view them as threats or trouble makers with links with hostile foreign governments or organizations that providing funding. They try to deny the citizen rights to form and join civil groups as well as limit their operations and activities as the case may be. Recently after months of negotiations between the government and civil groups, Cambodia decided to postpone for two years the controversial law that would restrict the operation of civil society groups. Truth be told, even in the most mature democracies, there are also measures to restrict civic space, freedoms of association and assembly. In a canton in Geneva, for instance, a local law punishes demonstrators with hefty fine of 100,000 Swiss francs, if they did not listen to police orders.
In responding to the uneven and unfair treatments to the civil society globally, the United Nation Human Rights Council in Geneva passed a resolution in September 2010 on the "Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association" and appointing a special rapporteur on the rights to freedom of assembly and association. In other word, from now on the UN is fully involved in setting the standards and norms including promotion and protection of civil society organizations world-wide against all repressive governments. Since then, other regional organizations have contemplated a similar move. Last June, the Organization of American States adopted the same resolution.
The UN rapporteur's office has already sent official letters to the Asean governments for trips to their countries. So far, none of them have positively responded to the requests. In a long haul, this can tarnish the grouping's overall reputation and undermine the slogan of caring and sharing Asean community.

Cracking down on smugglers and encroachers

Pongphon Sarnsamak
The Nation on Sunday April 29, 2012 1:00 am

Damrong

With just six months to go before his retirement, National Parks chief Damrong Phidet sets out his priorities

Since his appointment last September to the post of director-general of the National Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation Department, hardly a day has gone by when Damrong Phidet's name hasn't been mentioned on the local news or in the newspapers. Some of the reports have been favourable, others less so and a few have slammed him, but most of the media seem in agreement that he is working hard to stamp out the illegal trade and smuggling of protected wildlife and forest land encroachment across the country.
"I am not working hard to pave the way for a political career. My aim is to make things right, as all these problems have been ignored for far too long," he says.
Over the past few months, Damrong has confronted many wealthy individuals who have used their influence to encroach on forest reserves and national parks and clamped down on those suspected of trading in illegal wildlife, especially elephants.
A forestry official for more than 30 years, the Kasetsart University graduate worked his way up through the system, eventually becoming chief of Chiang Rai provincial forestry office division 15, a position he held from 1999 to 2003. He then held the post of deputy director of Royal Forestry Department before being named by former Natural Resources Environment minister Yongyuth Tiyapairat as director-general of National Parks, Wildlife, and Plant Conservation Department.
After the 2006 coup, he was removed by the Surayud Chulanont government and became an adviser to the Prime Minister's Office as well as deputy permanent secretary of the Natural Resources an Environment Ministry.
"My mobile phone number ends up with the four digits 2549, which reminds me of my unfair removal through the 2006 coup," he says.
With Pheu Thai winning last year's general election, Damrong found himself back in the driving seat at the National Parks, Wildlife, and Plant Conservation Department. He's due to retire in October.
"Unlike my predecessors, I don't want to sit at a desk, reading papers and waiting for retirement. I have to go out myself and see what really happens in the areas under my responsibility," he says, adding that he also needs to encourage his forestry officials to work harder to protect natural resources in national park areas.
"They need more support from those in senior positions," he says.
With only six months left on the job, he says his priority tasks are controlling the illegal wildlife and plant trade, notably the smuggling of black wood, the suppression of forest encroachment and forest fire control and prevention. To that end, he will be asking government to allocate more than Bt100 million to purchase weapons for forest protection volunteers to fight against illegal wood cutting and wildlife smugglers.
"Violations of law and the exploitation of natural resources have been major problems for many years. These problems need to be resolved within my term," he says.
"I intend to tear down illegal properties in our national parks and take back as much of the encroached forestland as I can."
Since coming into office, Damrong has regularly travelled to Wang Nam Khiew district in Nakhon Ratchasima to oversee the return of land from rich Thais who have used their influence to build both private homes and luxury resorts in forest reserves.
He's faced protests and received threats from locals occupying the land.
"Why would I have to be afraid? Everything I did was in compliance with the verdict of the courts," he says.
"You might think that I am crazy to confront the mafia. But that's my job and I have no 'big man' behind me," he adds.
He plans to spend his retirement at home on Chiang Rai province and take care of his nieces and nephew.
"I am not interested in a political job. Frankly, I'm too old for it," he says. "I want to live out my retirement surrounded by the forests of my childhood and remember my days working for Her Royal Highness the Princess Sri Nagarindra. She taught me so much about forest conservation."

White Killer Whale Spotted—Only One in the World?

"Handsome" whale may be the only known all-white adult orca.

The white whale behind another orca, likely his mother, in April. Males remain in matriarchal pods for life.

Photograph courtesy E. Lazareva, Far East Russia Orca Project

Iceberg the orca on his own. Photograph courtesy E. Lazareva, Far East Russia Orca Project.

Christine Dell'Amore

National Geographic News

Published April 25, 2012

The headline-grabbing all-white adult killer whale spotted offRussia this month may well be one of a kind. But the sighting may not be his first.

Scientists were studying acoustic and social interactions among whales and dolphins off the North Pacific's Commander Islands (map) when the team noticed a six-foot-tall (nearly two-meter-tall) white dorsal fin jutting above the waves—hence the whale's new name: Iceberg.

"The reaction from the team for the encounter, which happened on an ordinary day for spotting and photographing the whales, was one of surprise and elation," researcher Erich Hoyt said via email. Though he wasn't aboard the boat, Hoyt co-directs the Far East Russia Orca Project (FEROP), which had organized the expedition.

Though Iceberg's moniker is new, he may be the same killer whale scientists spotted in 2000 and 2008 in Alaska's Aleutian Islands (map), Holly Fearnbach, a research biologist at the University of Aberdeen in the U.K., said by email.

For one thing, Iceberg and the previously seen whales look very similar, Fearnbach said.

Furthermore, each of the three white whale sightings were among about a dozen family members, all bearing the typical black-and-white pattern, Fearnbach said.

And it wouldn't be odd for Iceberg to have made the Russia-to-Alaska crossing. Fish-eating North Pacific killer whales have been observed migrating more than 1,240 miles (2,000 kilometers). Their mammal-eating cousins cover smaller ranges.

The whale seen in 2000 and 2008 was darker and more mottled than Iceberg, FEROP's Hoyt noted, though the coloring can change seasonally due to algae on the skin, "which would tend to make a white animal look darker."

Overall, Aberdeen's Fearnbach said, "it is highly possible they are the same whales—but we cannot be certain until a match is confirmed" by closely analyzing photographs of the three sightings.

(See "'White,' Albino-like Penguin Found in Antarctica.")

White Whale a Mystery

The 22-foot-long (7-meter-long) Iceberg is probably not a true albino, since he has color on his saddle—the area behind his dorsal fin—FEROP's Hoyt said.

"Iceberg may or may not be an albino. We really don't know," said Hoyt, also a senior research fellow at the Whale and Dolphin Conservation Society.

One way to find out would be to see if Iceberg's eyes are pink and unpigmented—a sure sign of albinism, Hoyt said. (See pictures of albino animals.)

Scientists have observed other killer whales with a condition called Chediak-Higashi syndrome, a rare disease of the immune and nervous system that affects coloration, Fearnbach said.

But most animals affected with Chediak-Higashi don't survive to adulthood, meaning it's unlikely Iceberg—a mature male of at least 16 years—has the disease. The male seen in 2000 and 2008, if different from Iceberg, also didn't have the disease.

"I do not know a lot about other genetic conditions that may cause such light pigmentation, but hopefully he will be seen again and we can collect a genetic sample," Fearnbach said.

Iceberg Healthy, Handsome

Whatever his condition, "we can see that he is a healthy-looking male, a handsome, robust member of his fish-eating pod, so we can presume that his coloration doesn't affect him in a negative way," FEROP's Hoyt said. (Some killer whale pods eat mammals, but Iceberg's group appears to stick solely to fish.)

(See whale pictures.)

In general, "finding a beautiful animal like Iceberg shows us that there are still great surprises to be found in the least visited parts of the ocean," Hoyt added.

"I would hope that Iceberg would help motivate people not only to save whales but to save their habitat, their homes in the sea."

Myanmar’s exiled media heading home

Monday, 23 April 2012 19:04 Kavi Chongkittavorn

(Commentary) – News of Myanmar’s exiled media returning home has excited the community of dissidents and media activists around the world. With the Arab Spring and increasing democratization in various parts of the world, journalists who fled many other countries for an extended period of time are also returning home.

Kavi Chongkittavorn speaks at a Southeast Asian Press Alliance's board of trustees meeting, in this file photo. Photo: IMS

However, they all face different challenges during these transitional periods, depending on how media-friendly the government in power is. Having operated without interference, these media outlets and journalists are fiercely independent and highly professional, with a hard-earned creditability.

It is only in recent years that stories from exiled media began to emerge on how they contributed to the dramatic political changes on their home fronts. Once they were the official targets of attacks. Now they have gained respect even from those who previously tried to oppress them. Returning media exiles share one common important trait: they all have promised to serve as faithful watchdogs in their societies – something they have done from thousands of kilometres away in different time zones. Truth be told, nowhere have the changes been as radical and impressive as in Myanmar.

Myanmar's case is intriguing because the government decided to invite exiled media early on during its reform process to return and contribute to nation-building and media professionalism inside the country. There are many exiled Burmese journalists of varying quality and experience working for a dozen news organizations, including ethnic minority news outlets, or blogging. The New Delhi-basedMizzima News has made a successful transition into Burma with a local printing license.

The Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma is negotiating with the Naypyitaw authorities for a broadcasting license in the future.

Currently, the government is focusing on print media. Burmese News International, an umbrella for small ethnic media groups based in Thailand, hopes to set up offices in minority areas.

Other groups including the Chiang Mai-based Irrawaddy have made similar moves, but are being more cautious. Interestingly, each exiled media organization planning to return to Burma has also worked out a contingency plan by maintaining overseas offices in case of a reversal in the reforms.

Myanmarese journalists are highly trained and professional. For decades, they had to operate overseas, sometimes far away from their own country, gathering and then dispatching news back to the country, to which they had no direct access. They are among the most innovative groups among worldwide exiled media today through the use of satellites and every kind of media technology.

For instance over the past two decades, the DVB developed a sophisticated network of reporters and secretive ways of delivering their news reports on a day-to-day basis. Relying on groups of clandestine journalists, including the well-known underground video journalists, inside the country, they informed the Burmese at home about what was really going on in their backyards.

Recently, DVB also filed a report on the thank-you party given by opposition party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, filmed by one of its journalists. It was the only media outlet that reported on the reception, which was rather controversial as only 19 journalists were invited.

Among journalists, debates continue as to whether it was a faux pas on the part of the National League for Democracy to express appreciation to journalists or media outlets that reported positively on Suu Kyi and the party's activities. Indeed, it is no secret that she has been the subject of positive news reports since her release. Before and during the by-election campaign in March, almost all printed media, barring the government-run media, filled their front pages with her photos and quotes. Indeed, editors and reporters at home are now facing a dilemma on how to cover her stories and activities without putting too positive a spin on it. In this case, DVB shows the unique character of exiled media.

Unlike other closed societies, the Burmese authorities realize the urgency and benefits of rallying exiled media to their side. They have taken concrete steps to attract them, with the goal of integrating the exiled media into the wider society as soon as possible.

In recent months, censorship has been partly eased, pending the new media law, which is due by the end of this year. Within Asean, especially among the members with restrictive media, this trend is quite disturbing because the Burmese media scene is receiving positive international media coverage. For decades, Burma's media freedom ranked among the world's worst in various global media indexes. But this will change with the new evaluation next year.

That helps explain why the exiled journalists visiting  Myanmar to hold talks with the authorities were asked to impart their experience and professionalism obtained overseas to their local colleagues. Some were even asked privately to help train officials dealing with spokespeople for various ministries to improve media communication.

Myanmar aside, it is hard to know the exact number of exiled media organizations around the world. It is estimated that there are around 50 outlets covering at least 20 locations including Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Belarus, Yemen, Iran, Zimbabwe, China, Cuba, Bhutan, Tibet, Sudan and Eritrea. Every day, hundreds of journalists-in-exile, some of them political activists, work from their homes or offices to inform their own people and the rest of the world of the "real news," using their own limited resources and outside funding.

All around the world, undemocratic governments, especially dictatorial ones that have made an about-face, understand media operations and their weaknesses and strengths. Their leaders know and can play along with the journalists' ethos and pledge to respect media independence and integrity, but when push comes to shove, the authorities immediately put them down. That helps explain why there is still so much suspicion of the changes taking place in Myanmar and elsewhere.

It remains to be seen how Myanmar's exiled media come to terms with their new turf. Their hard-headed investigative skills and other media talents will certainly be useful in monitoring and checking the authorities' performance to ensure that they genuinely work for democracy and the wellbeing of the people.

In the wonderful book Garbage Land, Elizabeth Royte takes us on a wild journey through our Byzantine solid waste collection, recycling, and disposal system. Contrary to some contrarians, recycling is still important, and it definitely saves water, energy, and resources.

Of course, we can’t just recycle; we still have to work for more sustainable policies in many areas. But recycling is a good start, and it is often a “gateway drug” to wider environmental consciousness.

Take a look at this infographic on the secret life of garbage, and find out what happens when you throw something away.

Created by: BusinessDegree.net

Keywords:garbage infographics recycling

A Bangladeshi farmer operates a treadle pump to irrigate her family's rice field. Photo courtesy of International Development Enterprises.

One of the more transformative technologies ever developed for the world’s poor farmers is a water-lifting device called a treadle pump.

It looks and operates much like a Stairmaster exercise machine that you’d find in a gym.  But the dollar-a-day farmers who use these devices are not trying to lose pounds; they’re trying to gain them.

More than 850 million people in the world today are chronically hungry.  It is a sad irony that most of them live on farms, typically cultivating small plots in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.

(Related: “Growing Food Demand Strains Energy, Water Supplies“)

These farm families go hungry because they have neither the resources to make their land productive enough to meet their food needs nor sufficient income to buy the food they need.

For many of them, the missing ingredient is water.  And that’s where the treadle pump comes in.

Traveling through Bangladesh some years ago, I saw vast areas of brown, barren land. It was January – the dry season in this monsoonal country – when there is too little rainfall to plant crops with any hope of a harvest.  Without access to irrigation water, small farmers leave their land fallow, which in turn leaves them hungry and poor.

But northeast of Dhaka, the fields were green and bustling with activity.  Men and women, children and parents, were operating treadle pumps, often under colorful canopies for some relief from the sun.  In the pump’s original version, designed by Norwegian engineer Gunnar Barnes, the operator pedals up and down on two poles (called treadles), which activates a cylinder that suctions water up through a shallow well. The water then empties into an irrigation ditch and travels down the field to irrigate small plots of rice and vegetables.

For a total investment of some $35, Bangladeshi farmers could irrigate half an acre (0.2 hectares) during the dry season.  Not only could they then feed their families, and get out of the hunger trap, they could also take some higher-value vegetable crops to market – and escape the poverty trap, as well.

Working with Barnes and other partners, the Denver-based International Development Enterprises (IDE) developed a highly successful marketing and promotion campaign to sell treadle pumps to Bangladeshi farmers through the private sector.  IDE’s approach was to work locally to develop a full supply chain – manufacturing, sales, installation and repair – so that the treadle-pump industry could be self-sustaining.

Today, some 84 manufacturers produce treadle pumps in Bangladesh, and, since 1985, some 1.4 million pumps have been sold to Bangladeshi farmers.

In his book, Out of Poverty: What Works When Traditional Approaches Fail, IDE founder Paul Polak estimates that treadle pump investments by farmers totaling $37.5 million combined with donor investments of $12 million are generating net returns to Bangladeshi farmers of $150 million per year.

Following on this success, other organizations (as well as IDE) have helped introduce variations of the treadle pump into countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere.  In 1998, the non-profitKickStart began marketing a line of pumps called the MoneyMaker in Kenya, Mali, and Tanzania, and later in Burkina Faso and Malawi.

KickStart’s best-seller is the $300 Super MoneyMaker Pump, with sales to date totaling nearly 158,000.  Sales of its lighter, $100 Hip Pump have exceeded 32,000.

To help poor women buy pumps themselves, KickStart has established a Mobile Layaway program, which allows women farmers to save for a pump by sending micro payments to KickStart through their mobile phones.  Many are able to buy a pump within ten weeks.

In March, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton presented Kickstart with the first-ever Innovation Award for the Empowerment of Women and Girls.  In presenting the award, Secretary Clinton noted, “If you just stop and think that 60 to 70 percent of the small-holder farmers in the world are women, this (initiative) has enormous potential.”

Treadle pump adopters won’t have to do the hard labor of treadling forever.  As they move up the income ladder, they’ll turn to a labor-saving irrigation system, perhaps powered by diesel or solar energy. With the extra time, women may start a business.  Girls will attend school.  Unleashed from poverty and hunger, the entrepreneurial spirit will soar.

The power of a water pump – designed, as Paul Polak puts it, for “radical affordability” – is not to be underestimated.

Sandra Postel is director of the Global Water Policy Project and lead water expert for National Geographic’s Freshwater Initiative.  She is the author of several acclaimed books, including the award-winning Last Oasis, a Pew Scholar in Conservation and the Environment, and one of the “Scientific American 50.”

Thailand is courting China

Tuesday, 17 April 2012 16:19 Kavi Chongkittavorn

(Commentary) – Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s four-day visit to China this week will reaffirm Thailand as pivotal to China’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia and vice versa.

Kavi Chongkittavorn

Since the two countries established diplomatic ties in 1975, Thailand has served as a conduit for China’s inroads into the region. But in 2000, unshakeable bilateral ties suddenly encountered economic and political challenges due to turmoil and social transformation inside Thailand.

China began to look elsewhere as Thai domestic politics unpredictability marred Beijing’s ability to formulate long-term strategies. Hence, Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos were considered new outposts. These countries have political stability and room for further engagement.

However, with rapid political reform inside Myanmar in the past year, longstanding Myanmar-China ties have been strained due to the democratization process and the halt in construction of the US$ 3.6 billion China-funded Mytsone Dam in Kachin State at the end of last year. With sanctions easing, coupled with growing contacts with the international community and foreign investment flows, Nay pyitaw has more diplomatic options than before. Both countries are now readjusting their relationship.

However, on the eastern side of the Thai border, China has made impressive headway in its economic and political/security presence and cooperation with Cambodia and Laos. China’s investment and financial assistance there has begun to affect its traditional relations with Vietnam.

In comparison to Thailand, however, the two small countries with a combined population of nearly 20 million still lack the strategic values that would propel and sustain China’s influence in continental Southeast Asia. Therefore, when the Pheu Thai Party won the election last year, China quickly changed its attitude and refocused on Thailand with a big show of support for the Yingluck government.

The high profile visit of Chinese Vice President Xi Jingping to Bangkok in December was a clear manifestation of Beijing’s preference. It confirmed that the current Thai policymakers, both civilian and military, prefer to see Thailand travel the road with China. Simply put, they appreciate China’s immediate response to Thailand’s requests. Hence, the Thai pivot is towards China.

Concerning future Thai-China relations, two emerging trends – developmental and military – must be discerned. The current situation is akin to Thai-U.S. relations during the post Second World War period, which witnessed the rapid expansion of their economic and security cooperation. At the time, economic development and the threat of communism topped the bilateral agenda. The U.S. did much to provide economic and security support for Thailand.

Fast forward to the 21st century, there is a reversal of roles. While the prospects for Thai U.S. relations are not as bright as they used to be, Thai-China cooperation is more dynamic and multidimensional. Despite our ongoing political uncertainty, the Chinese leaders continue to view Thailand under this government as a reliable Asean voice with predictable views and positions on China, particularly on sensitive issues related to the South China Sea and Tibet. Within Asean, Thailand has adhered strictly to the one China policy, which has in the past jeopardised ties with Taiwan, one of Thailand’s top three investors.

Thailand would never say “no” to China in a confrontational way as some Asean members have done. Arguably, today is China’s most ideal time to consolidate ties with Thai elites and politicians – particular the Pheu Thai comrades – who have become disgruntled with the Western countries’ attitude on terrorism, Myanmar and problems related to human trafficking, which they label as hypocritical. For the record, China has never made a fuss on these issues.

During the floods last year, China responded fastest and provided the largest assistance to Thailand, ahead of Japan and the US, two regular and generous donors. China provided a total of 719 million baht in contributions both in cash and in kind. In fact, Beijing would have given more if Thailand had the sufficient capacity to dispose of its assistance packages.

As Western financial assistance dwindles and more strings are attached, Thai policymakers will seek further help from China’s deep pockets when necessary. In December, Thailand and China inked a 325 billion baht swap deal allowing import export settlements in the Chinese currency.

As other Asean countries conclude such deals, financial dependency on China will grow proportionately, which could lead to a new financial institutional arrangement in the region. During Yingluck’s visit, Thailand and China will sign two five-year action plans (2012-2017) – one covering strategic and the other economic matters. These two plans will propel the most important bilateral ties China has with Asean members.

Secondly, both countries have started joint military exercises and training, especially with the Thai special forces. The “Strike” programme, which began in earnest in July 2007 off the coast of Guangzhou, went very well. Truth be told, at the time the Thai Navy wanted to send a strong message to the U.S. that Thailand was able to cooperate and receive training from other major powers when it faced political isolation due to the 2006 coup.

At the end of last year, Thailand was instrumental in assisting China in forming a multilateral coordinated patrol along the Mekong River, following the murder of 13 Chinese sailors. Thailand quickly responded to China’s concerns by ordering investigations and agreed to Beijing’s proposal of joint coordinated boat patrols with Laos and Myanmar.

While China is generous and understanding regarding developmental assistance and security cooperation, on trade and investment issues it shows a tougher side. Various huge infrastructural and developmental projects proposed by China to Thailand and neighbouring Lao include the construction of thousands of kilometres of highspeed train lines, which now face hurdles due to rigid conditions imposed by the funders in terms of logistic requirements and concessional demands. But Thai businessmen also say that the Chinese investors aboard are beginning to use their soft power and are practicing corporate social responsibility to improve their image.

Beginning in July, Thailand will serve as country coordinator for Asean-China relations, which are currently going through turbulence due to increased tension over South China Sea disputes. The Philippines was the coordinator for the previous three years, when the Asean-China friendship was constantly under challenge, with the Philippines being one of four Asean claimants in the maritime disputes. Expectations are high that Thailand will adopt a nonpartisan attitude in handling the relationship. During Thailand’s stint as chair of Asean from July 2008-December 2009, the issue was not on the main agenda.

Even with strong financial and strategic links with China, it is hoped that Thailand will be able to maintain an independent foreign policy in pursuing ties with other major powers such as the U.S., Russia and India. This will help the country to maintain its diplomatic manoeuvrability in the global arena.

- Kavi Chongkittavorn is a columnist for The Nation in Bangkok and a long-time observer of Southeast Asia and China.

น้ำหมักชีวภาพ ทำง่าย ประโยชน์เพียบ

วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ

เรียบเรียงข้อมูลโดยกระปุกดอทคอม
ขอขอบคุณภาพประกอบจาก สสส.

          ช่วงนี้เราอาจจะได้ยินชื่อ "น้ำหมักชีวภาพ" บ่อยขึ้น ว่าแต่เพื่อน ๆ รู้จักไหมว่า จริง ๆ แล้ว "น้ำหมักชีวภาพ" คืออะไร บริโภคได้หรือไม่ แล้วเราจะทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพขึ้นมาใช้เองได้อย่างไร เอ้า...ตามมาดูกันเลย

          น้ำหมักชีวภาพ หรือ น้ำสกัดชีวภาพ หรือ ปุ๋ยน้ำจุลินทรีย์ ตามแต่จะเรียก เป็นสารละลายเข้มข้นที่ได้จากการหมักเศษพืช หรือสัตว์ กับสารที่ให้ความหวาน จนถูกย่อยสลายโดยจุลินทรีย์ ซึ่งเมื่อผ่านกระบวนการแล้วจะได้สารละลายเข้มข้นสีน้ำตาล ประกอบไปด้วยจุลินทรีย์ และสารอินทรีย์หลายชนิด

          เดิมทีนั้นจุดประสงค์ของการคิดค้น "น้ำหมักชีวภาพ" ขึ้นมา เพื่อใช้ประโยชน์ทางการเกษตรโดยเฉพาะ แต่ช่วงหลังก็มีการนำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ มาประยุกต์ใช้ประโยชน์ในด้านอื่นเช่นกัน คือ

          ด้านการเกษตร น้ำหมักชีวภาพ มีธาตุอาหารสำคัญ ทั้งไนโตรเจน ฟอสฟอรัส โปแตสเซียม แคลเซียม กำมะถัน ฯลฯ จึงสามารถนำไปเป็นปุ๋ย เร่งอัตราการเจริญเติบโตของพืช เพิ่มคุณภาพของผลผลิตให้ดีขึ้น และยังสามารถใช้ไล่แมลงศัตรูพืชได้ด้วย

          ด้านปศุสัตว์ สามารถช่วยกำจัดกลิ่นเหม็น น้ำเสียจากฟาร์มสัตว์ได้ ช่วยป้องกันโรคระบาดต่าง ๆ ในสัตว์แทนการให้ยาปฏิชีวนะ ทำให้สัตว์แข็งแรง มีความต้านทานโรค ช่วยกำจัดแมลงวัน ฯลฯ

          ด้านการประมง ช่วยควบคุมคุณภาพน้ำในบ่อเลี้ยงสัตว์น้ำ ช่วยแก้ปัญหาโรคพยาธิในน้ำ  ช่วยรักษาโรคแผลต่าง ๆ ในปลา กบ จระเข้ได้ ช่วยลดปริมาณขี้เลนในบ่อ ช่วยให้เลนไม่เน่าเหม็น สามารถนำไปผสมเป็นปุ๋ยหมักใช้กับพืชต่าง ๆ ได้ดี

          ด้านสิ่งแวดล้อม น้ำหมักชีวภาพ สามารถช่วยบำบัดน้ำเสียจากการเกษตร ปศุสัตว์ การประมง โรงงานอุตสาหกรรม ชุมชน และสถานประกอบการทั่วไป แถมยังช่วยกำจัดกลิ่นเหม็นจากกองขยะ การเลี้ยงสัตว์ โรงงานอุตสาหกรรม และชุมชนต่าง ๆ นอกจากนี้ยังช่วยปรับสภาพอากาศที่เสียให้สดชื่น และมีสภาพดีขึ้น

         ประโยชน์ในครัวเรือน เราสามารถนำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ มาใช้ในการซักล้างทำความสะอาด แทนสบู่ ผงซักฟอก แชมพู น้ำยาล้างจาน รวมทั้งใช้ดับกลิ่นในห้องน้ำ โถส้วม ท่อระบายน้ำ ฯลฯ ได้ด้วย

          เห็นประโยชน์ใช้สอยของ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ มากมายขนาดนี้ ชักอยากลองทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพดูเองแล้วใช่ไหมล่ะ จริง ๆ แล้ว น้ำหมักชีวภาพ มีหลายสูตรตามแต่ที่ผู้คิดค้นขึ้นเพื่อประโยชน์ใช้สอยต่าง ๆ กัน วันนี้เราก็มี วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ แบบง่าย ๆ มาฝากกันด้วย

วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ เพื่อการเกษตร

          เราสามารถเลือกส่วนผสมจาก พืช ผลไม้สุก หรือสัตว์ อย่างหอยเชอรี่ ในการทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ ได้

          ส่วนผสม : เราสามารถเลือกส่วนผสมจาก พืช ผลไม้สุก หรือสัตว์ อย่างหอยเชอรี่ อย่างใดอย่างหนึ่ง ในการทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ โดยสับเป็นชิ้นเล็ก 3 ส่วน, กากน้ำตาล 1 ส่วน (อาจใช้น้ำตาลทรายแดง หรือน้ำตาลทรายขาว ผสมน้ำมะพร้าว 1 ส่วนแทนได้) น้ำเปล่า 10 ส่วน

          วิธีทำ : นำส่วนผสมทั้งหมดมาคลุกเคล้ากัน แล้วบรรจุลงในถังหมักพลาสติก หรือขวดปิดฝาเก็บไว้ในที่ร่ม นานประมาณ 3 เดือน แล้วจึงสามารถนำไปใส่เป็นปุ๋ยให้พืชผักผลไม้ได้ โดย

          ใช้น้ำหมักชีวภาพ อัตราส่วน 10 ซีซี ต่อน้ำ 20 ลิตร เพื่อบำรุงใบพืชผักผลไม้

          ใช้น้ำหมักชีวภาพอัตราส่วน 15-20 ซีซี ต่อน้ำ 20 ลิตร เพื่อปรับปรุงบำรุงดิน ให้ดินร่วนซุย

          ใช้น้ำหมักชีวภาพ อัตราส่วน 1 ส่วน น้ำ 1 ส่วน เพื่อกำจัดวัชพืช

          ทั้งนี้ มีเทคนิคแนะนำว่า หากต้องการบำรุงส่วนใบพืช ก็ให้ใช้ส่วนใบยอดพืชมาหมัก หากต้องการบำรุงผล ให้ใช้ส่วนผล เช่น กล้วยน้ำว้าสุก มะละกอสุก เปลือกสับปะรด ฟักทองมาหมัก หรือหากต้องการใช้กำจัดศัตรูพืข ควรหมักสะเดา ตะไคร้หอม ข่า แยกต่างหากด้วย เมื่อจะใช้ก็นำมาผสมฉีดพ่นพืชผักผลไม้

          นอกจากนี้ หากใช้สายยางดูดเฉพาะน้ำใส ๆ จากน้ำหมักชีวภาพที่หมักได้ 3 เดือนแล้วออกมา จะเรียกส่วนนี้ว่า "หัวเชื้อน้ำหมักชีวภาพ" เมื่อนำไปผสมอีกครั้ง แล้วหมักไว้ 2 เดือน จะได้หัวเชื้อน้ำหมักชีวภาพอายุ 5 เดือน ซึ่งหากขยายต่ออายุทุก ๆ 2 เดือน จะได้หัวเชื้อที่อายุมากขึ้นเรื่อย ๆ และประสิทธิภาพสูงมากขึ้น

วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ เพื่อการซักล้าง

          น้ำหมักชีวภาพ สามารถนำมาใช้ประโยชน์ในการซักล้างได้ โดยมีสูตรให้นำผลไม้ เปลือกผลไม้ (ฝักส้มป่อย , มะคำดีควาย , มะนาว ฯลฯ) 3 ส่วน น้ำตาลทรายแดงหรือน้ำตาลอ้อย 1 ส่วน และน้ำ 10 ส่วน ใส่รวมกันในภาชนะที่มีฝาปิดสนิท โดยให้เหลือช่องว่างไว้ประมาณ 1 ใน 5 ของขวด/ถัง แล้วหมั่นเปิดฝาคลายแก๊สออก โดยต้องวางไว้ในที่ร่ม อย่าให้ถูกแสงแดด หมักไว้นาน 3 เดือน ก็จะได้น้ำหมักชีวภาพ สำหรับซักผ้า หรือล้างจานได้ ซึ่งสูตรนี้แม้ว่าผ้าจะมีราขึ้น หากนำผ้าไปแช่ทิ้งไว้ในน้ำหมักชีวภาพก็จะสามารถซักออกได้

วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ

วิธีทำ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ เพื่อดับกลิ่น

          สูตรหนึ่งของการทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพมาดับกลิ่น คือ ใช้เศษอาหาร พืชผัก ผลไม้ที่เหลือทิ้ง 3 ส่วน กากน้ำตาลหรือโมลาส 1 ส่วน และน้ำ 10 ส่วน  ใส่รวมกันในภาชนะที่มีฝาปิดสนิท โดยให้เหลือช่องว่างไว้ประมาณ 1 ใน 5 ของขวด/ถัง หมักไว้นาน 3 เดือน ก็จะได้น้ำหมักชีวภาพใช้ดับกลิ่นในห้องน้ำ โถส้วม ท่อระบายน้ำ กลิ่นปัสสาวะสุนัข ฯลฯ ได้อย่างดี

ข้อควรระวังในการใช้ น้ำหมักชีวภาพ

          1. หากใช้น้ำหมักชีวภาพกับพืช ต้องใช้ปริมาณเจือจาง เพราะหากความเข้มข้นสูงเกินไป อาจทำให้พืชชะงักการเจริญเติบโต และตายได้

          2. ระหว่างหมัก จะเกิดก๊าซต่าง ๆ ในภาชนะ ดังนั้นต้องหมั่นเปิดฝาออก เพื่อระบายแก๊ส แล้วปิดฝากลับให้สนิททันที

          3. หากใช้น้ำประปาในการหมัก ต้องต้มให้สุก เพื่อไล่คลอรีนออกไปก่อน เพราะคลอรีนอาจเป็นอันตรายต่อจุลินทรีย์ที่ใช้ในการหมัก

          4. พืชบางชนิด เช่น เปลือกส้ม ไม่เหมาะในการทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ เพราะน้ำมันที่เคลือบผิวเปลือกส้มเป็นพิษต่อจุลินทรีย์

น้ำหมักชีวภาพเพื่อการบริโภค

          เราอาจเคยได้ยินข่าวว่า มีคนนำน้ำหมักชีวภาพมาใช้บริโภคกันด้วย ซึ่งน้ำหมักชีวภาพที่ใช้ในการบริโภค หรือ เอนไซม์ เป็นสารโปรตีน วิตามินเอ บี ซี ดี อี เค อะมิโนแอซิค(Amino acid) และ อะเซทิลโคเอ (Acetyl Coa) ที่ได้จาก หมักผลไม้นานาชนิด เมื่อหมักระยะเริ่มแรกจะเป็นแอลกอฮอล์ ระยะต่อมา เป็นน้ำส้มสายชู ซึ่งมีรสเปรี้ยว อีกระยะหนึ่งเป็นยาธาตุ มีรสขม ก่อนจะได้เป็นน้ำหมักชีวภาพ (เอ็นไซม์) ซึ่งใช้เวลาหมักขยายประมาณ 2 ปี แต่หากจะนำไปดื่มกินควรผ่านการหมักขยายเป็นเวลา 6 ปีขึ้นไป

          โดยประโยชน์จากน้ำหมักชีวภาพนั้น หากมีการนวัตกรรมการผลิตที่ดีจะส่งผลดีต่อสุขภาพของระบบย่อยอาหาร ระบบขับถ่าย ทำให้ภูมิต้านทานโรคดีขึ้น และช่วยลดคอเลสเตอรอลในเลือดได้ แต่น้ำหมักชีวภาพ ที่ขายอยู่ตามท้องตลาด มักเป็นน้ำหมักชีวภาพที่อยู่ในสภาพเป็นแอลกอฮอล์ ดังนั้นเมื่อดื่มกินแล้วอาจมีอาการร้อนวูบวาบ มึนงง และอาจทำให้ฟันผุกร่อนได้ เพราะน้ำหมักชีวภาพ (เอนไซม์) มีสภาพเป็นกรดสูง ดังนั้นจึงไม่ควรดื่มน้ำหมักชีวภาพแบบเข้มข้น

          อย่างไรก็ตาม การทำน้ำหมักชีวภาพ ที่ใช้บริโภคนั้น ยังขาดข้อมูลทางวิทยาศาสตร์รองรับ หากดื่มกินเข้าไปก็เสี่ยงต่ออันตรายได้ โดยเฉพาะมีข้อมูลจาก สวทช. ร่วมกับ อย.ที่ได้เก็บตัวอย่างของผลิตภัณฑ์น้ำหมักชีวภาพที่วางขายตามท้องตลาดมาตรวจสอบ พบว่า น้ำหมักชีวภาพเหล่านี้ แม้จะไม่มีการปนเปื้อนของโลหะ เศษไม้ เศษดิน แต่พบการปนเปื้อนของเชื้อรา ยีสต์ เมทิลแอลกอฮอล์ เอทิลแอลกอฮอล์ ซึ่งส่งผลต่อระบบประสาทและตา โดยเฉพาะเมทานอล หรือเมธิลแอลกอฮอล์ที่ทำอันตรายต่อร่างกายได้

          ดังนั้นแล้ว เพื่อความปลอดภัย ควรหลีกเลี่ยงการซื้อผลิตภัณฑ์ที่ไม่ได้รับการรับรองจากองค์การอาหารและยา รวมทั้งต้องพิจารณาความน่าเชื่อถือของผู้ผลิต แหล่งผลิต และบรรจุภัณฑ์หีบห่อด้วย แต่ถ้าหากจะนำ "น้ำหมักชีวภาพ" มาใช้ในครัวเรือน หรือการเกษตร ลองทำง่าย ๆ ด้วยตัวเอง ก็จะปลอดภัยและประหยัดที่สุด