วันเสาร์ที่ 11 มกราคม พ.ศ. 2557


Tourism Thailand – A Unique Experience

Exploring Thailand

When people talk about wonderments, Thailand will probably be in the top five places considered. This is one of the main reasons Thailand is one of the top tourist destinations in the world. From visiting places like the amazing Koi Samui Island, the historical Ayuthaya Park, or simply enjoying a city tour in the bustling city of Bangkok, there are massive clusters of attractions that will make any tour more delightful and enjoyable. If you plan to visit this wonderful country, there are some locations that you absolutely cannot miss.

Thailand Tourism

For those looking for places to tour while visiting, Pattaya will surely be a place you will not want to miss. Although this is a location that will provide much when it comes to entertainment, it also has some of the best sights you’ll want to see while visiting – such as the Temple Chai Mongkhon, Hat Dongtan, Hat Ta Waen Beach, Pattaya Elephant Village, Mini Siam, and Hat Naklua. These are all places that will need to be visited before you can leave this wonderful country, and honestly – once you’ve seen some of these places – your visit may end up being a prelude for something more.

Thailand – The Land Of Smiles

This is a country that has been called the Land of Smiles for a reason. When visiting places like Chiang Mai, which is a location that is very old, you’ll want to get ready for laid-back holidays, adventurous tourism, historic locations, sightseeing, and some of the best trekking you’ll find in the entire country. If you aren’t smiling yet, you will surely be after visiting this fascinating location. With locations such as the Orchard Farm, Namtok Mae Sa, Mae Se Elephant Show, Chiang Mai Temple, and the Mae Sa Butterfly Farm, these are places that will truly have you in wonder as to how these types of places even exist. If you truly want to enjoy a unique experience in the wonderful country of Thailand, the locations listed above are only a drop-in-the-hat when it comes to what this beautiful country has to offer. Thailand tourism is on the rise and the reasons are very obvious. This is a country that has a whole lot to offer when it comes to culture, tradition, and heritage, but what you’ll find is that once you’ve visited all the different sites and surroundings, it will become extremely hard for you to leave.

How Thailand's Suthep Thaugsuban Ran Away With Our Person of the Year Poll




Former Democrat Party MP and anti-government protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban addresses a large rally near Government House on December 9, 2013 in Bangkok, Thailand. (Rufus Cox/Getty Images)
Thai politician Suthep Thaugsuban dominated our year-end reader poll for Asia's Person of the Year 2013 — in dramatic, come-from-behind fashion. Thaugsuban attracted 88 percent of the vote, nearly 116,000 votes in total. Malala Yousafzai, the female education rights activist from Pakistan, was runner-up for the second consecutive year. She earned close to 12,000 votes, 9 percent of the total, a figure that would have made her the winner in 2012.
This year, Yousafzai looked destined to be the clear victor the week after our poll launched on December 20, with Chinese filmmaker Jia Zhangke running a distant second. And Thaugsuban? Shortly before the new year, he was sitting dead last, with 0 votes.
That changed dramatically once 2014 began. During the first two days of the year, our poll page received more than 172,000 pageviews. Nearly 165,000 of those visits originated in Thailand. Most of the traffic came from Facebook and a handful of Thai message boards. At one point, Thaugsuban had around 97 percent of the total vote. In recent days, Yousafzai voters made a bit of a late push to eat into Thaugsuban's lead ever so slightly. (You can see the complete 2013 results here.)
This scenario was very similar to the grassroots social media effort Pakistani supporters of Imran Khan utilized to make him the overwhelming winner in our 2012 poll. But Thaugsuban received around 10 times the number of votes that Khan did.
As it did in 2012, the unusually large number of votes did raise some red flags for us. Are these votes real? Did we get hacked? But the amount of visitors that flooded our site from Thailand (with close to 300,000 pageviews, the poll is easily the most popular piece of content on Asia Society's website ... ever), the number of blog comments (more than 400), Facebook likes (54,000), and write-in votes all point to these votes being the acts of many, many actual people — very passionate people.
To learn more about the Thaugsuban phenomenon, we reached out to Patrick Winn, the Bangkok-based senior Southeast Asia correspondent for GlobalPost who has covered protests in Thailand since 2008. Winn offered his insights via email. 
Louisa Lim
Patrick Winn
Who is Suthep Thaugsuban? And what kind of movement is he leading in Thailand?
Depending on who you ask, Suthep Thaugsuban is either an insurrectionist or a hero. He's been a professional politician in Thailand since the 1970s and, given the chaos of Thai politics, that means he's resilient.
In the last year, Suthep has reinvented himself as the face of a movement to rid Thailand of corruption. But he is hardly a pure, Gandhi-like figure. He enjoys the reverence of a sizable and devoted following but not the universal support of the masses.
Suthep's solution to ridding Thailand of corruption is fairly radical: toppling the current elected ruling party and installing a council of wise leaders to purify Thailand. It appears that Suthep and his circle would enjoy the privilege of handpicking the members of this group, which sounds an awful lot like a politburo.
How popular is he? Why do you think people are attracted to him?
Before his ongoing street crusade took off, Suthep was a household name. But he wasn't much of an inspirational figure. His reputation is that of a tough power broker and gamesman who has survived his own corruption charges. He's seen as a roll-up-your-sleeves-style politician — the guy that didn't mind stepping on a few toes to get things done. Think Dick Cheney.
His anti-corruption crusade mostly just translates into a war against a rival political network helmed by one of Thailand's most powerful families: the Shinawatras. This network has won every major election for more than a decade. Suthep's party, the Democrat Party, hasn't won a major election since the early 1990s.
Because the Shinawatras' power emanates largely from Thailand's upcountry, they have come into collision with the traditional power base in Bangkok: royalists and patrician families but also the workaday middle class.
At this point, the Shinawatra-led parties appear untouchable at the polls. They are not without their serious flaws and irregularities; consider that their current incarnation, Pheu Thai (translation: "For Thais"), appears to be managed from afar by Thaksin, who eludes corruption charges by self-exiling himself in Dubai.
There is a sense, which runs heavy amongst the urban middle-class, that ceding power to the lesser-educated provincial Thais will forever doom Thailand to misrule. Suthep's popularity relies on tapping and exacerbating this sentiment.
Who are his followers? Do they fit into any particular demographic categories? Are they especially tech savvy?
A recent Asia Foundation survey lent evidence to the widely held contention that Suthep's protesters are, by and large, well off and educated by Thai standards. About 85 percent have have diplomas beyond high school. Well over half make more than $1,000 USD per month, which is a nice salary in Thailand.
Using social media — namely Facebook and the chat application Line — enables protesters to inhabit an online echo chamber. They have a rabid focus on the minutia of the protest campaign. These digital worlds can breed extreme thought because they're mostly populated by like-minded people. They can also be rapidly mobilized to raise cash, occupy intersections, flood critics' Facebook pages with derision and — as Asia Society now knows — sway online polls.
Does it surprise you that Thaugsuban's followers took to our year-end poll so earnestly? What do you think it says about them? About Thaugsuban?
I can't say I'm terribly surprised that Suthep's online faithful swarmed Asia Society's poll. They're web junkies and they can spot an opportunity for free and impactful PR.
I've covered protests of all stripes for six years. I have to say that this incarnation of protester seems to have a unique psychological profile. Many are truly possessed with the sensation that they're foot soldiers in a grand struggle that will determine Thailand's future.
Their activism overtakes their daily life. Even in the real world, they often wear protest kitsch — typically ribbons or whistles — out to dinner or while running errands.
After Asia Society asked me to respond to these questions, my curiosity led me to track down a protester who took part in the poll. She said solicitations to vote for Suthep were appearing on her friends' Facebook walls and voting in the poll was "just a trendy thing to do." She'd never heard of Asia Society before but was pleased this tactic proved effective.
Is he a particularly controversial figure?
Suthep is hugely controversial. Shutting down Bangkok, vowing to overthrow an elected government and declaring yourself fit to install a council of unelected rulers is a sure-fire receipt for controversy.
Where do you see Suthep Thaugsuban this time next year?
Thai politics have more plot twists than soap operas. Making these predictions is an excellent way to make yourself look foolish. But I will hazard one prediction: Suthep Thaugsuban will not sit behind bars one year from now in January 2015.
Protest leaders — even those charged with terrorism and insurrection — have a way of staying out of prison or at least walking free on bail after a short stint in jail. Suthep is deeply connected and enjoys the support of figures in high places. That's the sort of backing that can embolden someone to lead a movement to topple a government.
This phenomenon is explained deftly by Sunai Phasuk, a Human Rights Watch researcher, who told me the following in a recent interview:
“Protest leaders use confrontational, nationalistic slogans to hype up protesters. Yet it’s unlikely protest leaders will ever face any direct consequences. In almost every confrontation, they escape unharmed," Sunai said. "The reality is very different for the protesters that get killed, wounded or disabled. … They don’t enjoy the same level of luxury as their leaders.”

สุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ ได้รับการโหวตให้เป็น บุคคลแห่งปีของเอเชีย 2013


สุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ

เรียบเรียงข้อมูลโดยกระปุกดอทคอม
ขอขอบคุณภาพประกอบจาก เฟซบุ๊ก เถกิง สมทรัพย์

          นายสุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ ได้รับการโหวตอย่างท่วมท้นกว่า 88 เปอร์เซ็นต์ ให้เป็นบุคคลแห่งปี 2013 จากเว็บไซต์ เอเชียโซไซตี้

          เมื่อวันที่ 10 มกราคม 2557 เว็บไซต์เอเชียโซไซตี้ ได้ประกาศผลโหวตบุคคลแห่งปีของเอเชียประจำปี 2013 ผลปรากฏว่า นายสุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ เลขาธิการกลุ่ม กปปส. ได้ผลโหวตไปท่วมท้นกว่า 115,916 เสียง คิดเป็น 88% ของคะแนนโหวตทั้งหมด เอาชนะบุคคลที่มีชื่อเสียงคนอื่น ๆ เช่น มาลาลา ยูซาฟไซ เด็กสาวจากปากีสถานผู้มีชื่อเข้าชิงรางวัลโนเบล สาขาสันติภาพ, นายสี จิ้นผิง ประธานาธิบดีแห่งสาธารณรัฐประชาชนจีน และ นายคิมจองอึน ประธานาธิบดีของเกาหลีเหนือ

          ทั้งนี้ นายสุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ ได้รับการโหวตให้เป็นบุคคลแห่งปีของทวีปเอเชีย  ของเว็บไซต์เอเชีย โซไซตี้ โดยที่เขาสามารถทำคะแนนขึ้นมาในช่วงท้าย นายสุเทพ ได้รับผลโหวตทั้งสิ้นกว่า 88 เปอร์เซ็นต์ หรือกว่า 115,916 เสียงจากจำนวนผู้โหวตทั้งหมด ในขณะที่มาลาลา ยูซาฟไซ เด็กสาวนักเคลื่อนไหวด้านสิทธิการศึกษาของผู้หญิงจากปากีสถาน  ได้คะแนนเป็นอันดับ 2 ในปีนี้ โดยที่เธอได้รับคะแนนโหวต 12,000 เสียง ประมาณ 9 เปอร์เซ็นต์จากจำนวนทั้งหมด

          สำหรับการโหวตบุคคลแห่งปีของเอเชียนั้น เริ่มเปิดเว็บตั้งแต่เมื่อวันที่ 20 ธันวาคมที่ผ่านมา และในช่วงแรกดูเหมือนว่า มาลาลา ยูซาฟไซ จะได้คะแนนนำโด่งมาแบบใส ๆ และมีทีท่าว่าเธอจะกลายเป็นผู้ที่คว้ารางวัลบุคคลแห่งปีไปครอง ตามมาด้วยนายเจี่ย จางเคอ ผู้กำกับจากภาพยนตร์เรื่อง A Touch of Sin ที่คว้ารางวัลบทภาพยนตร์ยอดเยี่ยมจากเทศกาลหนังเมืองคานส์ ส่วนนายสุเทพนั้น ก่อนที่จะถึงปีใหม่ เขาได้คะแนนโหวตเป็นอันดับสุดท้ายอยู่ที่ 0 คะแนน

          แต่แล้วก็เกิดการเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างรวดเร็วเมื่อช่วงปีใหม่ที่ผ่านมา ในช่วง 2 วันแรก มีผู้เข้ามาเยี่ยมชมหน้าโพลอย่างมากถึง 172,000 ครั้ง และผู้ชมกว่า 165,000 คนที่เข้ามาดูหน้าโพลนั้น มาจากประเทศไทย ซึ่งทราฟฟิกส่วนใหญ่จะมาจากเฟซบุ๊กและอีกส่วนก็มาจากเว็บบอร์ดในเมืองไทย และหลังจากนั้น นายสุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ ก็ได้รับคะแนนโหวตมากถึง 97 เปอร์เซ็นต์ ซึ่งต่อมา ก็มีคนโหวตให้มาลาลา ยูซาฟไซเพิ่มขึ้น จนได้ส่วนแบ่งผลโหวตไปจากนายสุเทพ แต่ก็ยังไม่เพียงพอที่จะโค่นนายสุเทพลงได้

          เหตุการณ์แบบนี้เกิดขึ้นเหมือนในปีก่อน ที่เกิดกระแสในโซเชียลมีเดียในมวลหมู่คนรากหญ้า ที่ร่วมกันโหวตให้ อิมราน คาน นักแสดงชาวปากีสถาน กลายเป็นผู้ชนะอย่างท่วมท้นในการค้นหาบุคคลแห่งปีของเอเชีย 

          ในจำนวนผู้ที่ถูกเสนอชื่อในครั้งนี้ มีบุคคลสำคัญมากมายทั้ง นายคิม จองอึน ผู้นำเกาหลีเหนือ, นายเจี่ย จางเคอ ผู้กำกับภาพยนตร์ชาวจีน, พัก กึน-ฮเย ประธานาธิบดีหญิงคนแรกของเกาหลีใต้, ซาโตชิ นากาโมโต้ ผู้คิดค้นระบบการเงินดิจิตอล Bitcoin, ชินโสะ อาเบะ นายกรัฐมนตรีของญี่ปุ่น, และนายสี จิ้นผิง ประธานาธิบดีของจีน

          ทั้งนี้ เว็บไซต์ เอเชียโซไซตี้ ได้จัดให้มีการโหวตเพื่อค้นหาบุคคลแห่งเอเชียทุกปี โดยในปี 2011 นางอองซาน ซูจี ผู้นำฝ่ายค้านของพม่า ก็ได้รับการโหวตให้เป็นบุคคลแห่งปีของเอเชีย และในปี 2012 นายอิมราน คาน ก็ได้รับผลโหวตมากที่สุดจนได้เป็นบุคคลแห่งปี โดยที่นางสาวยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร เคยมีชื่อเข้าชิงในปี 2011 ด้วย

วันพฤหัสบดีที่ 9 มกราคม พ.ศ. 2557


A chemical disguise secreted by this frog’s skin allows the amphibian to live peaceably among fierce, stinging ants.
To protect itself and keep moist, the West African savanna frog spends its days—and much of the dry season—hiding in underground burrows. But it’s usually not alone.
west african savanna frog picture
A West African savanna frog hangs out with African stink ants. Photograph by Christian Brede.
The frog often moves into the underground nests of the African stink ant, a highly aggressive species. When disturbed, these ants usually go on the offensive, attacking intruders with their powerful jaws and venomous stingers.
But they don’t seem to mind the West African savanna frog cozying up in their nests, which offer the frog a safe place to hide from other predators and a warm, humid environment to wait out western Africa’s long dry season. (Watch National Geographic’s frog videos.)
It’s all the more surprising given that African stink ants hunt and scavenge for prey that can include frogs. How does this frog trick these ants into leaving it alone?
Skin Deep
German and Swiss researchers working in Benin believe the secret lies in the West African savanna frog’s skin.
To test this theory, they covered mealworms and termites with skin secretions from the frog and offered the insects to the ants. Normally the ants would respond by biting and stinging immediately. But the ants waited 30 seconds to several minutes to attack the secretion-coated insects. (Also see “Trees Trap Ants Into Sweet Servitude.”)
To try to identify the compounds in the frog’s skin responsible for this remarkable effect, they placed a frog in a beaker of pure water, shook it gently for two minutes (to stimulate skin secretion), and collected the results.
The researchers discovered that the secretions aren’t the result of any special food; in fact, they’re produced no matter what the frog eats. That’s not the case with other toxic frogs and toads—like some colorful poison dart frogs—which have poisonous skin as a result of eating small, poisonous insects.
Through chemical analyses, the researchers identified the active ingredients in the frog’s skin: two compounds called peptides, which are like small proteins—and appear to trick the ants into accepting the frog as one of their own.
“Chemical Camouflage”
Ants use their antennae—highly sensitive probes that act as chemical sensors—to discern harmless nestmates from potential intruders. But the peptides in the frog’s skin seem to cause the ants to recognize the frog as a nestmate—or at least not as an intruder.
When approaching the frog, the ants sweep their antennae over its body, picking up its scent. With any other intruder, this would be followed by an aggressive, stinging attack. But the ants tolerate the frog and largely ignore its presence in their nest.
If it looks like an ant …
Follow Mary Bates on Twitter and Facebook.

In Thailand, Politics Includes the Spirit World

Politicians, Supporters Turn to Sorcery to Gain Edge

Jan. 9, 2014 10:30 p.m. ET
Political players in Thailand are trying to give themselves a supernatural edge on the competition. WSJ's James Hookway reports from Bangkok.
BANGKOK—In Thailand, politics goes beyond life and death to include the spirit world, too.
Kittichai Saisa-ard isn't leaving much to chance in his quest to topple Thailand's government. Looking around the fortified protest camp outside Bangkok's government headquarters where this graying 52-year-old serves as security chief, he ticks off the supplies he needs to continue the monthslong campaign.
Fish sauce and oranges? Check.
Bamboo stakes and rubber-tire barricades to fend off riot police? Check.
Talismans to ward off magic spells that some protesters believe government supporters have cast to preserve its hold on power? Yes, got those, too.
An antigovernment protester wears amulets at a rally in Bangkok in December. Thousands of protesters have gathered in Bangkok in a bid to topple the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.Reuters
Thailand's capital city is a throbbing hum of contradictions. Ancient temples nestle side-by-side with gleaming shopping malls, towering office buildings and garish, neon-lit massage parlors. In street markets, amulets said to hold supernatural powers are sold alongside bootleg DVDs of the latest Hollywood hits.
But few things better show how Thailand's old, pre-Buddhist animist beliefs are prospering than the way the country's politicians and their supporters are tapping into spirit worship and sorcery to gain an edge over their opponents.
"We're Thais. We believe in a lot of things," Mr. Kittichai said before leading a ceremony this week seeking blessings from the spirit of a long-dead warrior prince near the gates of Bangkok's Government House. "And if our enemies are using black magic, we have to counteract it."
Thai politicians for decades have consulted numerologists or performed arcane rites to keep ahead of the competition. The wife of a former prime minister in the 1990s habitually carried a toy elephant dressed in a frilly child's dress to ward off Rahu, a Hindu deity reputed to cause solar eclipses. Another premier, Thanin Kraivixien, was also known among many ordinary Thais as an astrologer.
In some ways, this interest in the supernatural reflects how astrologers, fortunetellers and various other kinds of seers are seeing business boom as the country's economy expands. Some astrologers even operate call centers to cope with the demand.
"Thailand is a very hierarchical kind of place," says historian and anthropologist Thanet Apornsuwan. "People are always going to look for some kind of authority to guide their decisions."
The rise of billionaire telecommunications mogul Thaksin Shinawatra and his sister Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra has some Thais looking to supernatural sources for the root of Mr. Thaksin's perceived power—and for ways to continue or end the family's influence here.
Many Thais subscribe to all sorts of theories to explain the hold they say Mr. Thaksin still exerts over Thailand, despite being overthrown as prime minister in a military coup over seven years ago. Some say he is the reincarnation of 18th-century monarch King Taksin. Others reckon that in a past life, Mr. Thaksin was a Burmese king who sacked the ancient Thai capital, Ayutthaya, showing just how polarizing a figure this businessman has become.
Mr. Thaksin, who lives in self-imposed exile in Dubai, couldn't be reached for comment, while Ms. Yingluck, who was elected in 2011, says she runs Thailand, not her brother.
In 2006, though, a close ally cast a spell on Mr. Thaksin while he was riding an elephant in order to render him immune to his rivals' attacks—a move that Mr. Thanet, the historian, said was aimed in part at reviving morale among his supporters. In 2010, with a rival administration in power, thousands of Mr. Thaksin's allies splashed gallons of their own blood on the gates of Government House to curse his enemies and speed up his return to Thailand.
The Brahmin priest who led that rite, Sakrapee Promchart, said in an interview at the time that "it's the kind of curse that nobody in my family has applied before, and which nobody will be able to lay for another 100 years."
Kittichai Saisa-ard
This time the current crop of protest leaders say they have no choice but to perform rites of their own to undo whatever spells have been cast by Mr. Thaksin's supporters.
Mr. Kittichai, whose day job is a union leader at a state-run electricity company, has led a series of ceremonies to cleanse Thailand, as he puts it. With a half-dozen or so amulets draped around his neck, Mr. Kittichai on Jan. 4 led a rite that involved sprinkling holy water around the area where Mr. Thaksin's supporters had splashed their blood a few years earlier.
At the latest ceremony, to win the support of the spirit of a prince who died in 1923, Mr. Kittichai and three other men clad all in white offered incense sticks and prayers. A large table was laid below a statue of the legendary soldier, on which were placed Thai dishes such as grilled fish with spicy mango salad along with whole chickens and ducks, and a pig's head.
"The Prince of Chumphon was a great warrior who defeated many enemies," said one of the participants, 56-year-old Chayada Sarinyamas. "By doing this we hope his spirit will help us and punish those who have brought evil to Thailand," she said.
Some protesters, including Mr. Kittichai, wear talismans or other charms to ward off bullets or other hazards after seven people were killed last month in clashes between protesters and security forces or rival political groups. Supporters sometimes press amulets into the hands of the protest movement's burly leader, Suthep Thaugsuban, as he leads marches around Bangkok collecting cash donations to keep the rally going.
"See, a tear-gas canister hit me right here on the wrist, but the only injury I received was this small bruise," Mr. Kittichai said. "If you believe the talismans' power, then they will protect you."
So far, though, Ms. Yingluck has managed to hold on. Despite the growing protests, she aims to return to power in an election scheduled for next month.
She might hold mysterious powers, too. Since being elected prime minister, the registration plates for Ms. Yingluck's official cars twice have forecast the winning numbers in Thailand's popular underground lotteries.
—Wilawan Watcharasakwet contributed to this article.

Thais Hand Over Cash to Keep Protest Alive



     
Jan. 9, 2014 11:27 a.m. ET
Protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban collected donations from supporters as he led a protest march through the streets of Bangkok on Thursday. Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
BANGKOK—Thai protesters are tired of vote-buying and other forms of influence peddling in elections here. Now, many of them are handing over large amounts of cash to a firebrand provocateur who aims to do away with next month's ballot entirely.
Tens of thousands of people clamored to press wads of Thai baht into Suthep Thaugsuban's hands Thursday as he led a fundraising march through the traffic-clogged streets of Bangkok while his aides stuffed the bank notes into plastic garbage bags.
The ostensible goal was to publicize Mr. Suthep's bid to shut down the center of the city next week and force Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to scrap elections set for Feb. 2. But the donations, which over the past few weeks have reached over $1.5 million, according to a spokesman for Mr. Suthep, are vital to keeping the protests going—and they could accelerate a confrontation between the protesters in Mr. Suthep's camp and the millions of poorer, mostly rural Thais who support his rivals in the populist Shinawatra clan.
Mr. Suthep, a burly former deputy prime minister, argues that Thailand needs to suspend its democracy and put in place an unelected council to root out the influence of its former leader, Ms. Yingluck's elder brother, Thaksin Shinawatra. Mr. Thaksin was deposed in a military coup over seven years ago, but Mr. Suthep and many other Thais believe he is still secretly running the country from overseas.
In Thailand, complaints of vote-buying are loud and frequent, making the sight of ordinary people thrusting bundles of cash into a politician's outstretched hands all the more dramatic.
"Mr. Suthep needs the money to keep the protest movement going. He's doing this for us," said Nattanan Thongchil, 50 years old, who waited patiently under the beating sun to hand the protest leader 1,040 baht, or about $30.
In a recent interview, Mr. Suthep said that populist, easy-money policies such as tax rebates and multibillion-dollar subsidies enabled the Shinawatras to dominate the country's parliament and push policies designed to further their own private and business interests.
"They bought this country by making irresponsible promises," he said.
Thai courts, meanwhile, removed a pro-Thaksin government in 2008 for vote-buying.
Ms. Yingluck counters that her government's economic policy is designed to boost consumer spending in rural areas. On Thursday, Ms. Yingluck urged antigovernment protesters to consider the economic impact of her rivals' monthslong protests on the city, which already has seen tourists cancel bookings in what is usually one of busiest times of the year, and put pressure on the broader economy, too.
Antigovernment protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban was photographed with a supporter during a warm-up rally to paralyze the capital on Thursday in Bangkok.Wason Wanichakorn/Associated Press
The two sides appear headed for a showdown, stirring speculation that army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha's armed forces may intervene, as they did in 2006 to remove Mr. Thaksin. Gen. Prayuth, while trying to keep out of the latest battle, hasn't ruled out another coup. The growing unease in the capital is compounded by persistent worries over the health of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, now 86 years old, and who has also stepped in to address political conflicts in the past.
"The government doesn't have a lot of options to deal with the protesters," said Yuttaporn Issarachai, a political-science professor at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University. "Using force will only cost the government its legitimacy to run the country…But the government also has to be careful that it doesn't end up running a failed state, where protesters can do anything they want and rule of law is completely meaningless."
Running a marathon Thai-style rally can be an expensive business. Renting stages and public address systems costs money, and then there is the cost of food and drinks to keep the protesters fed and hydrated for weeks. Some supporters provide support in kind, delivering crates of bottled water and sacks of rice to their main camp near Bangkok's Democracy Monument.
There are also welfare funds to support security guards and other volunteers. "It all adds up," says Akanat Promphan, Mr. Suthep's stepson and a former legislator. "We're drawing in lots of donations, so hopefully we can keep going even if there are a few shortages here and there."
Many of the people digging into their pockets say they felt they had to step forward to support Mr. Suthep's campaign and check the influence of the Shinawatra clan, which has dominated Thai politics since Mr. Thaksin first became prime minister in 2001. On a good day, Mr. Suthep can pull in two million baht, or $60,000, during his traffic-stopping parades through Bangkok.
The biggest single amount offered came from the owner of a pharmaceutical business, Pichaet Wiriyachitra. He donated a million baht last month after Thai authorities froze the bank accounts of Mr. Suthep and his organization—and he now says he hopes that many more will follow.
"People want to help, but they don't always reveal themselves. I felt I had to step forward and show what we can do, and that we don't need to be afraid," Mr. Pichaet said.
—Wilawan Watcharasakwet and Warangkana Chomchuen contributed to this article.
Write to James Hookway at james.hookway@wsj.com

Wrinkles aside, plastic banknotes on the rise



Banks from around the world are transitioning to plastic notes (Thinkstock)
Banks from around the world are transitioning to plastic notes (Thinkstock)
Despite the rapid rise of cashless payments worldwide, many people still prefer to have cash in hand and rely on paper money. But, increasingly, those notes aren’t paper at all, but come in the form of a high-tech, plastic banknote.
More than two dozen countries, from Romania to Vietnam and Israel have switched from old-fashioned cotton paper notes to polymer ones. Recently, The Bank of England announced that the Sir Winston Churchill £5 note will be made with plastic in 2016.  Fiji and Canada also ditched their crinkly paper notes for plastic in 2013. And Australia, which pioneered plastic-based money, has successfully used the notes since the late 1980s.
Polymer notes can withstand heat as high as 140 degrees Celsius.  — Richard Wall
These newer, non-paper notes are meant to be more secure and to last longer than paper-based bills. There are some drawbacks to the new-fangled money, too (have you ever tried to fold plastic in a wallet?).
Here’s what you need to know.
Secure, tough and clean?
The polymer-based notes are made from a thin, clear plastic film that can be printed on like paper. By turning to plastic, central banks worldwide will be able to slow the movement of faked currency by adopting high-tech security devices, such as holograms and see-through windows that contain hard-to-forge images. These tools make counterfeiting, which plagues countries like China and Peru (which do not use polymer-based banknotes), harder than it currently is with cotton paper notes.
“The technology for counterfeiting is rapidly advancing,” said George Cubaj, editor of the Standard Catalog of World Paper Money. “To be secure, money has to stay on top of new technologies.”
Besides being more secure, the new banknotes are also tough — and potentially cleaner than paper money, which is alive with bacteria. Paper-based money, for instance, can transfer live flu viruses for up to 17 days. The new notes can last longer too: at least 2.5 times as long as paper currency—a typical five-dollar bill has an estimated life of 4.9 years, while a 20-dollar bill lasts an estimated 7.7 years, according to the US Federal Reserve. Another benefit of the plastic -based currency is that it can also be recycled and survive searing heat and freezing temperatures.  
“Polymer notes can withstand heat as high as 140 degrees Celsius,” said Richard Wall, the director of currency at the Bank of Canada. “And you can even clean them by wiping them down with water.”
Sun spots and wallet woes
These new notes aren’t without problems.
Nigeria, which is still a largely cash-based society, is going back to old-fashioned cotton paper cash this year. The country began testing low-denomination polymer notes in 2007. But the ink on the notes faded under the blazing sun experienced year-round in the African country — and Nigerian bus conductors and other merchants began rejecting the blurry notes.
Polymer currencies also suffer from another problem: they don’t always stay folded.
“They have memory and can spring back from being flat,” said Cubaj. That was a problem in parts of Thailand, he added, where it’s traditional to fold banknotes. Other people complain that the new notes are slippery and stick together.
For now, some big countries like the United States are sticking with their paper money. There are no plans for the US to convert paper dollars into plastic ones, said Cubaj. One reason: the exorbitant cost to replace the high number of vending machines nationwide so that they would take the new polymer notes, he said.
What’s more, US dollars are also already coveted in their current form and hoarded globally because they’re seen as the safest, most stable currency.  Despite the rapid rise in digital payment options, in year-end 2013, the amount of US currency in circulation soared to a record $1.23 trillion, up from $1.16 trillion the year before, according to the Federal Reserve.
Although Cubaj believes plastic currency is here to stay, he conceded that people will continue to stash money under their mattresses at home or keep paper bills in their safety deposit boxes.
“Cash is a comfort zone for people,” he said.