Getting through a dangerous haze
The strange rituals at universities in Chiang Mai are meant to instil a sense of unity, but critics say they are humiliating and have damaging consequences. By Nattha Thepbamrung
Published: 31/08/2014 at 09:25 AM
Newspaper section: Spectrum
As a freshman, Panuwad Hongsawatchai felt the wrath of his fellow students at Maejo University in Phrae when he refused to be part of its traditional hazing ceremonies intended to absorb him into campus life.
Kasetsart and Chiang Mai universities have been at the heart of controversies surrounding Sotus, with complaints dating back 20 years of students being burned with irons as punishment and being forced to perform sexual acts. Hazing ceremonies have also lead to several deaths.
The abuses were listed in the 2000 book Wag Nong, (Scolding Freshmen), by Thanet Charoenmuang, a lecturer at the Faculty of Sociology, Chiang Mai University, who named the first month of the academic year "Black June".
For students at Maejo's Phrae campus, the complaints are just as real today, Mr Panuwad said.
The the Anti-Sotus group, started in 2010, has almost 5,000 online members.
"Actually, an online group before that had about 15,000 members but it was reported and closed," Mr Panuwad said. "We started this again and we're trying to get all the members back.
"Our activities mainly focus on creating networks in universities around the country, setting up clubs in universities to support freshers who suffer from the 'welcoming tradition' as well as those who were banned by seniors. Now we have students from around 20 universities who have joined us."
TAKING A STAND
Circle of trust: A hazing ritual similar to the one practised at universities in Chiang Mai and Phrae.
Titiphon Yamsri is a journalism graduate from Thammasat University. Prior to that he was studying engineering at a top university, but his experiences of Sotus forced him to change.
He said while the hazing he underwent was not "rude or dangerous" he could not accept that other students would not recognise his rights as a fellow human being.
"I joined the activities for a few days before realising that they finished very late and affected my studying, so I quit," he said. "After I quit, I was criticised by some of the freshmen who enjoyed the activities and they stopped talking to me."
While he could tolerate senior students shouting at him, he could not stand the banal university sloganeering students were forced to endure in the "cheering room" where students practise the institution's songs.
Show your colours: Freshmen at universities across Thailand are often subjected to strange initiation rituals, but students claim the practices in universities in northern Thailand cross the line.
"The event that I think was over the top was when my friend and I were having lunch and we couldn't eat because the seniors wanted us to get into the cheering room. We had an argument and almost a fight. I didn't think it was fair that they forced us to do whatever they wanted, whenever they wanted."
Mr Titiphon said those doing the hazing rationalised their behaviour by explaining that they were preparing the freshmen for life in the real world where they would have to listen to their employers. He said that they were told that if they did not follow the instructions, they would not have the support of other seniors and their futures at the university would be tough.
"I have worked for seven years for different companies and also as a freelancer," Mr Titiphon said. "I have never experienced anything like what they said to me that day."
This same logic of a patronage system offering protection and benefits to those who fall into line and do not buck the system was also offered to Mr Panuwad. At the final ceremony of freshmen's week, second-year students formed a ring with the first-year students inside, where they would protect them from marauding seniors trying to breach the circle.
"It may be a kind of symbolic activity showing that seniors will protect the juniors," he said. "They set the freshers in the middle of the second years who organised the event. Senior students tried to get inside and take the freshers out. The second years tried their best to keep them away and sometimes people got hurt. Some of the higher-year seniors were also drunk and violent."
TEAM PLAYER
torture claims: Patiparn Inya-po was among those who have been injured in the past.
Boonyapat Krachang is the president of the engineering faculty's student club at Chiang Mai University and is in his fourth year of studies. He believes the benefits of Sotus far outweigh what he says are minor disadvantages. "Our faculty has Sotus to teach our juniors to respect the seniors and teachers. It also teaches morals and brings harmony among them," Mr Boonyapat said.
"One of the few disadvantages I see is the time involved. The students have to spend their evenings in the cheering room or do activities with their new friends, but this will give them connections with friends and seniors."
He insisted his faculty did not force freshmen to partake in Sotus. Those who complete the Sotus freshmen year are given a uniform at the end.
Those who don't have to participate in Sotus events in their second year and help seniors welcome the new crop of first years.
Mr Boonyapat defended the practice of shouting at freshmen, saying it was not a way of displaying power but instead a method of controlling 800 new intakes. He added that singing the faculty song three days a week and participating in activities such as sporting events were intended to create harmony.
He said there were no anti-Sotus freshmen in his faculty and everyone joined the activities willingly.
Anipa, a staff member responsible for freshmen at Maejo University, which also has a strong Sotus tradition, said the practice was about creating equality rather than violating people's rights.
"We still have a strong tradition and a ceremony that we continue from generation to generation," she said.
"The purpose of the ceremony is to make everyone stay together equally. Our university began with students who were from poor farming families. Nowadays, we have many different kinds of students. Some of them are from rich families and drive Mercedes to university, use expensive phones and wear brand-name clothes, while some students from very poor families come on public transport from their village in the mountains. Some of them are from families of 10 or 12 people and they are happy that their kids can get into a university."
Ms Anipa said students from diverse backgrounds were randomly put into a university dormitory where they have to learn to adapt and live with others.
"Some students do not have much money to feed themselves," she said. "They have to apply for a job as a security guard in the university while some of them wash and iron clothes for their fellow students to get 20-30 baht to eat. When children from rich families see something like this they see the value of the money they spend, and sometimes help their friends with some money or food."
Forcing students to dress in black and wear the same footwear and banning personal items and valuables during freshmen's week was a way to instil a sense of egalitarianism.
"We have strict rules like this because we want them to see that they are equals when they wear the same outfit and have no brand-name goods," she said. "The activities during the week are actually not tough but we just want them to know each other and love each other."
She said if the students have a valid medical reason or need to be exempted because of family reasons they are always excused.
UNIVERSITY RESPONSE
intimidation tactics: A clip from the short film 'Vicious Cycle', which tells the story of a freshman standing up to the bullying of seniors.
Thanaruk Suwanprapisa, vice-president of student development at CMU, said there are two types of welcoming ceremonies: an official orientation organised by university staff, and another organised by senior students at individual faculties.
He said activities for freshmen must be approved by the university board. Outside authorities, teachers and parents were welcome to observe them.
"Before undertaking any activity, second-year students who normally set out the activities for freshmen have to report the activity's details to the university and the faculty's dean and board who consider its appropriateness," he said.
"The cheering room must be closed at 8pm sharp and at 9pm everyone must be back in their accommodation. After 9pm, we have university officers patrolling around the area to check."
He conceded there were unsupervised activities involving "sub groups" of students from the same province, school or "groups of third-gender students".
"We are trying to get these underground groups in the system as student clubs," Mr Thanaruk said.
He said no first-year students could be forced to participate in Sotus if they felt it was inconvenient. "We do not force them to do it," he said. "Deciding not to join does not affect their study life."
He accepted that abstainers may be socially ostracised and said the university offered support.
"I understand seniors may have a way to try making all freshmen join in the activities - like psychological social sanctions - but we have a call centre and staff standing by to help them.
"Any freshman who has a problem can file their complaint to us."
Mr Thanaruk said the system worked quite well and there had been no complaints from freshmen this semester.
Previous problems he recalled included a conflict between seniors and transgender students over dress regulations, and an unfit student who was injured when forced to exercise.
UNWANTED PUBLICITY
rough initiation: A clip from 'Vicious Cycle' shows seniors controlling freshmen.
Former CMU humanities student Aroonakorn Pick, 25, is not convinced of the benefits of the Sotus system. In 2012, he released a short film called Vicious Cycle which tells the story of a freshman standing up to the bullying and intimidation of seniors. Ultimately, the hero Ken beats them with logic by explaining that induction and indoctrination won't help the students get ahead in life.
"I personally don't like the Sotus system that people are using," he told Spectrum. "I think we all have our right to choose to do anything. The Sotus system seniors are deploying is a way to oppress the freshers' thoughts. They force newcomers to listen and follow without questioning."
He said that the purported benefits of the Sotus system of connection and protection were counterproductive to an individual's intellectual development.
"It teaches you to listen, follow the seniors and think less," he said. "This system makes people develop in the same way and become poor thinkers because they do not want to be nonconformist.
"I do not think Sotus itself has anything good as long as the seniors can force their freshers to do and think as they want without asking questions. It does not help develop anything. It may help the juniors to be kept together in order and break the ice between them for a while, but in the long term people will be who they are. You cannot force anyone to love someone or respect someone."
Mr Titiphon said he found real freedom and respect for his fellow students when he transferred to Thammasat. There, the welcome was genuine.
"At the new place I also joined some of the welcoming ceremonies like the freshmen's camp or seniors' signature hunting," he said. "It is an activity that helped us get to know the senior students names and we were not forced to do it.
"Those who did not want to join in never suffered social sanctions or being ostracised. Nowadays, I still have seniors who I respect and we keep in contact and help each other. The respect I have for them is from how they acted towards me, not because they shouted or threatened me."
About the author
Writer: Nattha Thepbamrung
Position: Reporter
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This blog contains lots of articles and world news. Its aim is to be a source of knowledge for people to read and think, and thus make an intuitive decision on how to lead their lives fruitfully in every-day livings.Under the concept of Today-Readers are Tomorrow Leaders.' The world will be better because we begin to change for the best.
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The 10 Most Corrupt Countries in the World
SAM BECKER GOOGLE+ TWITTER | MORE ARTICLES
AUGUST 30, 2014
Corruption and economic turmoil often go hand-in-hand. In western nations like the United States, and in many European countries, we often see corruption come to light as the result of whistleblowers or journalistic efforts. But in many other areas of the world, corruption plays a major role in fostering staggering poverty and broken economic systems.
Oftentimes, specific power structures and government architectures provide an easier means for corrupt politicians, businessmen, or military officials to exploit the system. Many governments have their roots in constitutions from generations ago, and have outgrown their current systems. Many other countries are ruled by a variety of independent tribal leaders and often lack a centralized power structure with any meaningful sway.
Transparency International developed a comprehensive list of the world’s most corrupt nations last year, and the countries that top the list probably won’t come as much of a surprise to many. The study ranks countries on a scale from 0 to 100, with zero being the most corrupt, and 100 being the least.
Of course, corruption comes in a variety of forms, so getting an incredibly accurate gauge is difficult. But perception itself is a very strong tool, and can have a big effect on its own. If the study reveals anything, it’s that the world overall has a huge issue in terms of corrupt officials.
By looking at the Corruptions Perception Index, along with the existing power structures and economic systems within each country, the picture does become a bit clearer. That’s why we dug a little deeper, examining the rankings seen on the following pages.
For good measure, we’ve included the United States on the list to give perspective as to where America ranks internationally in terms of corruption and economic strife. By Transparency International’s calculations and scale, the U.S. is sitting fairly pretty, although it’s common knowledge that there are definitely issues with how things are run in Washington.
Other countries you might expect to see like Russia, Mexico, or Venezuela all have their places as well, and the full list of 177 nations can be viewed straight at the source from Transparency International.
Here are the most corrupt nations in the world, as ranked by Transparency International, with additional insight into the issues and factors plaguing each one.
1. Somalia
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Almost none; “in the process of building a federal parliamentary republic” – CIA
Somalia may just be the most unstable country on the entire planet. The country has become infamous in the United States as being the setting for the Blackhawk Down incident, as well as the country’s pirates who are known to take over passing ships in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean. The country is barely held together by an incredibly loose central government, and is more accurately being run by a number of competing clans and warlords, creating lots of hostility and division.
The environment in Somalia has led to hard lives for many of the country’s citizens. On the economic front, many people make a living from raising livestock or farming, and others from fishing. Of course, with things remaining such a mess at the top of the power structure, any long-term planning for social programs and infrastructure is difficult.
According to The World Bank, only 29 percent of the country’s population has been enrolled in school, and life expectancy is a paltry 55 years. Both of these numbers rank well-below most other countries, and provide some insight into the internal strife the country is experiencing.
Beyond these things, information on the inner workings of Somalia’s government and its economic system are scarce. That alone is rather telling, as corrupt officials may not want outsiders seeing the true picture of what’s going on inside the country’s borders.
2. North Korea
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Dictatorship
The world’s biggest wildcard is North Korea. There is little doubt in anyone’s mind that the country is immensely corrupt, having been effectively run into the ground over the past half-century by Kim Jong Sun, Kim Jong Il and now Kim Jung Un, all of whom the country’s citizens affectionately have referred to as ‘Supreme Leader’. The CIA lists North Korea’s government as a ‘communist state one-man dictatorship’, with an estimated GDP of $28 billion as of 2009.
Famous for having very little electricity and sending its citizens to prison camps, North Korea’s government and economy are effectively shrouded in mystery. While it does receive aid from countries like China, North Korea obviously has had problems producing enough fuel and food to properly care for its citizens. Military spending far outweighs spending on social programs and aid, mostly to put on appearances for the rest of the world and to keep citizens in line.
The country’s major issues can be traced back to a number of natural disasters and the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the land, people and equipment have all been ‘worn out’ over the years, according to a CNN report. With little hope for change in the near future, North Korea is destined to remain one of the planet’s most corrupt and destitute nations.
3. Afghanistan
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Islamic Republic
Afghanistan has an incredibly difficult history to try and condense. The area has been inhabited for a very long time — and its geographic location has also put it in the middle of many conflicts over hundreds, if not thousands of years. There’s a reason the country has been stuck with the nickname ‘the graveyard of empires’, as it is incredibly difficult to not only conquer, but to keep under control.
The country has been loosely held together by a central government that largely lacks power, and has been carved up by a myriad of local tribal leaders and warlords, as we’ve seen first-hand with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. A former Soviet state, the country also suffered as a result of the U.S.S.R’s dissolvence.
The country’s current president Hamid Karzai is notoriously corrupt — he’s been recently busted for taking bagfuls of money from the American military, among other things. Afghanistan is also home to an enormous amount of the world’s heroin production, which has brought lots of wealth to a lucky few.
The country’s economy has remained in a state of flux for some time now, although the fall of the Taliban has helped — as has a flood of international aid. But it still faces major issues going forward.
As the CIA puts it, “Criminality, insecurity, weak governance, lack of infrastructure, and the Afghan Government’s difficulty in extending rule of law to all parts of the country pose challenges to future economic growth.”
4. Sudan
Corruption score: 11
Power structure: Federal Republic
A country that has been wrapped thoroughly in the grasp of war for many years is the African nation of Sudan. Long-standing conflicts between competing factions and ethnic groups have destabilized the country’s ability to efficiently operate from an economic standpoint, and the result has been devastating to many of the country’s citizens. South Sudan has also recently broken-off from the rest of the country, taking with it vast oil reserves. CNN reports that Sudan’s GDP was expected to contract by a fair amount due to South Sudan’s departure.
The country’s government is listed as a federal republic, which is ruled by the National Congress Party, according to the CIA. The NCP came to power after a coup d’etat in 1989, and has not been able to successfully repair the nation’s issues. As a result of the prolonged instability, Sudan’s GDP has tanked since spiking in 2006, much of which has to do with the situation in South Sudan.
Forty-six and a half percent of Sudan’s citizens live under the poverty line, by The World Bank’s calculations. The nation’s GDP stands at $66.55 billion as well. Both of these statistics would likely see improvement if not for some of the draconian and growth-inhibiting policies of the NCP. Also, if Sudan can find a way to rid itself of some of its corrupt officials, many violent conflicts could possibly see resolution as well.
5. South Sudan
Corruption score: 14
Power structure: Republic
One of the world’s youngest countries, South Sudan officially declared independence in 2011, following long-standing conflicts with its parent country, Sudan, which gained its independence in 1956. Between the mid-1950s and now, conflicts in the region have resulted in the deaths of as many as 2.5 million people, or so the CIA contends. South Sudan now stands as an independent republic, composed of 10 states.
A nation still in its infancy, South Sudan does not have the traditional long-standing government structures in place that many others do. This has led to ripe opportunities for corrupt politicians to step in, and as a result, the country has remained mostly undeveloped, and its citizens participate in a largely subsistence-based economic system. One other issue is the lack of a sense of nationhood among the 200 or so ethnic groups occupying the country.
According to The World Bank, the vast majority of South Sudan’s GDP — around 80 percent — is derived from oil exports. This has been a major problem, as international oil companies have been able to take advantage of the nation’s weak governmental structures and regulatory policies, turning huge profits at the expense of the citizens. In fact, 85 percent of the country’s workforce is engaged in non-paid labor. More than half live below the poverty line as well.
6. Libya
Corruption score: 15
Power structure: Transitional
Few nations have experienced as much turmoil over the past few years as Libya. The country’s government saw its downfall during a mass uprising and protest, which ultimately led to protestors parading around with the body of former president Muammar Gaddafi on the streets. The country’s fall was a part of the ‘Arab Spring’, which also saw mass protests in Syria, Egypt and Bahrain, among others.
Now, Libya is still embroiled in turmoil. No formal government has taken root, and fighting between rebels and those loyal to the old administration is still taking place. Due to the high levels of uncertainty, the country’s GDP contracted 9.4 percent during 2013, according to The World Bank. The power vacuum has left open a great opportunity for arms dealers and corrupt military higher-ups to take charge and make profits by pitting citizens against each other.
Libya currently operates under a transitional government, and both its administrative and judicial systems are vulnerable to a wide variety of outside interference. It’s economy is almost entirely based on energy, which supplies 95 percent of export earnings and 80 percent of the nation’s GDP, per the CIA. Until a new, permanent government can be established, Libya will most likely remain a hotbed of political and economic instability.
7. Iraq
Corruption score: 16
Power structure: Federal Parliamentary Constitutional Republic (ostensibly)
Many people may be surprised that Iraq isn’t higher on the list of the world’s most corrupt countries, but its certainly up there. It’s no secret the current state of affairs in Iraq is a total mess. After the second American invasion in 15 years, the pullout of U.S. forces has left Iraq a virtual power vacuum, with several different sects fighting for power over the embattled nation. Fighting is mostly concentrated between the Kurds, the Shiites and the Sunnis, but the arrival of ISIS from Syria has added additional issues.
The CIA lists Iraq’s government as a parliamentary democracy, but the legitimacy of the government is definitely up for debate. And there’s definitely little debate as to whether or not corruption has taken hold in the country, as Iraq’s vast wealth and natural resources have made it a target for all kinds of industry and war profiteers.
Iraq has actually seen some economic growth as the country rebuilds itself, but there is also a lot of outside interference from American and European contracting companies, hired to rebuild infrastructure and tap into the country’s oil reserves. The future of Iraq is probably as uncertain as any country in the world. It’s very possible that the nation will dissolve and turn into three distinct countries, as it was before Europeans entered the fray in the early 20th century. As for now, incredible instability — along with the arrival of ISIS in the north — will keep the country in a state of flux.
8. Uzbekistan
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Republic
One of the lesser-traveled nations in the world, Uzbekistan finds itself as one of the world’s messiest countries. From an economic standpoint, things appear to be going alright with 8 percent growth in GDP during 2013. In fact, information from The World Bank indicates the economy of Uzbekistan has remained more or less the same through the financial crisis which has crippled systems in Europe and North America.
The nation’s government is set up as a republic with an authoritative presidential figure in Islam Karimov. The vast majority of the country’s power resides within the executive branch, making it ripe for corruption. Karimov has been president since Uzbekistan actually became a country after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, winning three straight terms of between five and seven years. Like many other Middle-Eastern authority figures, he has apparently not grown tired of ruling the country.
Much of the Uzbek economy relies on agriculture for subsistence, as the entire country is landlocked and experiences a very dry climate. Many multinational corporations have experienced run-ins with the country’s government, having been accused of not following local laws and customs. That hasn’t stopped the administration from trying to attract more business, however, through tax incentives and sometimes even bribery.
9. Turkmenistan
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Presidential Democracy/Authoritarian
Turkmenistan resides in a dangerous neighborhood, to say the least. Bordered by Iran, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to the north, the country lies in a virtual hotbed of corrupt states. With the constant turmoil all over the Middle East, it’s been very easy for the country to fall into corrupt affairs, especially concentrated at the top from the authoritarian presidential figure, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow.
The CIA’s file says that Turkmenistan likes to describe itself as a secular democracy and presidential republic, while in practice, its government more closely resembles an authoritarian dictatorship. The country itself was founded as a result of the Soviet Union’s collapse, as so many others in the region, and the resulting power struggle has left the nation highly corrupt and vulnerable to tomfoolery.
Also like many other countries in its region, Turkmenistan’s economy is largely based on agriculture and energy. The country is fortunate to have vast reserves of crude oil and natural gas to supplement the economy, although they are controlled by the government. Misuse of the state’s revenues have driven many investors away and led to high levels of corruption.
10. Syria
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Authoritarian Republic
One of the world’s oldest countries is, unfortunately, one of the most corrupt. At this point in time, corruption has become the most important issue as well, as civil war has engulfed the country and left thousands dead over the past few years. The uprising in Syria originally began as a part of the ‘Arab Spring’ which saw several dictators across the region fall, but Syria’s leader Bashar Al-Assad has been able to hold on to power through — what many believe — are fixed elections.
The situation in Syria has quickly devolved into one of the worst humanitarians situations the world has seen in recent memory. The fighting has also given birth to the terrorist group ISIS, which has hit the road to Iraq to conquer more territory. Syria’s frightening display of government-sponsored violence and corruption has left many across the world awestruck, and has effectively destroyed the nation’s economic systems.
Due to the civil war and the awful conditions under the Assad administration, the outlook in Syria is not good. The economy is expected to continue to disintegrate, and there is little hope that the fighting and bloodshed will cease in the near future. Millions of people have been displaced, and millions others are starving or cannot find work. It seems the only way Syria will find a happy ending is with the ultimate overthrow of its leaders and corrupt administration.
Honorable Mention: The United States
Corruption score: 73
power structure: Democratic Republic
There has to be an honorable mention for the United States, which many people figure has to be the most corrupt nation on Earth. The fact is, the U.S. does have a great deal of corruption in many forms, like lobbying, bribery, gerrymandering, and bought elections. But according to the corruption index, the U.S. pales in comparison to countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East.
The economic system of the U.S. — although often portrayed as ‘free-market’ — is often anything but. A quick look at the telecom or energy industry shows that many monopolistic forces are at play, and big money oftentimes can get laws rewritten to preserve power and influence. Pressure from big business and labor groups is a major factor in why America is the only major world power without a nationalized healthcare system, and why there has been enormous growth in inequality, particularly as of late.
There are definitely many issues the United States needs to work out — from the financial system to elections — but with the status quo firmly set in place, there isn’t much indication that citizens should expect big-time change in the near-term.
...............................................
SAM BECKER GOOGLE+ TWITTER | MORE ARTICLES
AUGUST 30, 2014
Corruption and economic turmoil often go hand-in-hand. In western nations like the United States, and in many European countries, we often see corruption come to light as the result of whistleblowers or journalistic efforts. But in many other areas of the world, corruption plays a major role in fostering staggering poverty and broken economic systems.
Oftentimes, specific power structures and government architectures provide an easier means for corrupt politicians, businessmen, or military officials to exploit the system. Many governments have their roots in constitutions from generations ago, and have outgrown their current systems. Many other countries are ruled by a variety of independent tribal leaders and often lack a centralized power structure with any meaningful sway.
Transparency International developed a comprehensive list of the world’s most corrupt nations last year, and the countries that top the list probably won’t come as much of a surprise to many. The study ranks countries on a scale from 0 to 100, with zero being the most corrupt, and 100 being the least.
Of course, corruption comes in a variety of forms, so getting an incredibly accurate gauge is difficult. But perception itself is a very strong tool, and can have a big effect on its own. If the study reveals anything, it’s that the world overall has a huge issue in terms of corrupt officials.
By looking at the Corruptions Perception Index, along with the existing power structures and economic systems within each country, the picture does become a bit clearer. That’s why we dug a little deeper, examining the rankings seen on the following pages.
For good measure, we’ve included the United States on the list to give perspective as to where America ranks internationally in terms of corruption and economic strife. By Transparency International’s calculations and scale, the U.S. is sitting fairly pretty, although it’s common knowledge that there are definitely issues with how things are run in Washington.
Other countries you might expect to see like Russia, Mexico, or Venezuela all have their places as well, and the full list of 177 nations can be viewed straight at the source from Transparency International.
Here are the most corrupt nations in the world, as ranked by Transparency International, with additional insight into the issues and factors plaguing each one.
1. Somalia
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Almost none; “in the process of building a federal parliamentary republic” – CIA
Somalia may just be the most unstable country on the entire planet. The country has become infamous in the United States as being the setting for the Blackhawk Down incident, as well as the country’s pirates who are known to take over passing ships in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean. The country is barely held together by an incredibly loose central government, and is more accurately being run by a number of competing clans and warlords, creating lots of hostility and division.
The environment in Somalia has led to hard lives for many of the country’s citizens. On the economic front, many people make a living from raising livestock or farming, and others from fishing. Of course, with things remaining such a mess at the top of the power structure, any long-term planning for social programs and infrastructure is difficult.
According to The World Bank, only 29 percent of the country’s population has been enrolled in school, and life expectancy is a paltry 55 years. Both of these numbers rank well-below most other countries, and provide some insight into the internal strife the country is experiencing.
Beyond these things, information on the inner workings of Somalia’s government and its economic system are scarce. That alone is rather telling, as corrupt officials may not want outsiders seeing the true picture of what’s going on inside the country’s borders.
2. North Korea
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Dictatorship
The world’s biggest wildcard is North Korea. There is little doubt in anyone’s mind that the country is immensely corrupt, having been effectively run into the ground over the past half-century by Kim Jong Sun, Kim Jong Il and now Kim Jung Un, all of whom the country’s citizens affectionately have referred to as ‘Supreme Leader’. The CIA lists North Korea’s government as a ‘communist state one-man dictatorship’, with an estimated GDP of $28 billion as of 2009.
Famous for having very little electricity and sending its citizens to prison camps, North Korea’s government and economy are effectively shrouded in mystery. While it does receive aid from countries like China, North Korea obviously has had problems producing enough fuel and food to properly care for its citizens. Military spending far outweighs spending on social programs and aid, mostly to put on appearances for the rest of the world and to keep citizens in line.
The country’s major issues can be traced back to a number of natural disasters and the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the land, people and equipment have all been ‘worn out’ over the years, according to a CNN report. With little hope for change in the near future, North Korea is destined to remain one of the planet’s most corrupt and destitute nations.
3. Afghanistan
Corruption score: 8
Power structure: Islamic Republic
Afghanistan has an incredibly difficult history to try and condense. The area has been inhabited for a very long time — and its geographic location has also put it in the middle of many conflicts over hundreds, if not thousands of years. There’s a reason the country has been stuck with the nickname ‘the graveyard of empires’, as it is incredibly difficult to not only conquer, but to keep under control.
The country has been loosely held together by a central government that largely lacks power, and has been carved up by a myriad of local tribal leaders and warlords, as we’ve seen first-hand with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. A former Soviet state, the country also suffered as a result of the U.S.S.R’s dissolvence.
The country’s current president Hamid Karzai is notoriously corrupt — he’s been recently busted for taking bagfuls of money from the American military, among other things. Afghanistan is also home to an enormous amount of the world’s heroin production, which has brought lots of wealth to a lucky few.
The country’s economy has remained in a state of flux for some time now, although the fall of the Taliban has helped — as has a flood of international aid. But it still faces major issues going forward.
As the CIA puts it, “Criminality, insecurity, weak governance, lack of infrastructure, and the Afghan Government’s difficulty in extending rule of law to all parts of the country pose challenges to future economic growth.”
4. Sudan
Corruption score: 11
Power structure: Federal Republic
A country that has been wrapped thoroughly in the grasp of war for many years is the African nation of Sudan. Long-standing conflicts between competing factions and ethnic groups have destabilized the country’s ability to efficiently operate from an economic standpoint, and the result has been devastating to many of the country’s citizens. South Sudan has also recently broken-off from the rest of the country, taking with it vast oil reserves. CNN reports that Sudan’s GDP was expected to contract by a fair amount due to South Sudan’s departure.
The country’s government is listed as a federal republic, which is ruled by the National Congress Party, according to the CIA. The NCP came to power after a coup d’etat in 1989, and has not been able to successfully repair the nation’s issues. As a result of the prolonged instability, Sudan’s GDP has tanked since spiking in 2006, much of which has to do with the situation in South Sudan.
Forty-six and a half percent of Sudan’s citizens live under the poverty line, by The World Bank’s calculations. The nation’s GDP stands at $66.55 billion as well. Both of these statistics would likely see improvement if not for some of the draconian and growth-inhibiting policies of the NCP. Also, if Sudan can find a way to rid itself of some of its corrupt officials, many violent conflicts could possibly see resolution as well.
5. South Sudan
Corruption score: 14
Power structure: Republic
One of the world’s youngest countries, South Sudan officially declared independence in 2011, following long-standing conflicts with its parent country, Sudan, which gained its independence in 1956. Between the mid-1950s and now, conflicts in the region have resulted in the deaths of as many as 2.5 million people, or so the CIA contends. South Sudan now stands as an independent republic, composed of 10 states.
A nation still in its infancy, South Sudan does not have the traditional long-standing government structures in place that many others do. This has led to ripe opportunities for corrupt politicians to step in, and as a result, the country has remained mostly undeveloped, and its citizens participate in a largely subsistence-based economic system. One other issue is the lack of a sense of nationhood among the 200 or so ethnic groups occupying the country.
According to The World Bank, the vast majority of South Sudan’s GDP — around 80 percent — is derived from oil exports. This has been a major problem, as international oil companies have been able to take advantage of the nation’s weak governmental structures and regulatory policies, turning huge profits at the expense of the citizens. In fact, 85 percent of the country’s workforce is engaged in non-paid labor. More than half live below the poverty line as well.
6. Libya
Corruption score: 15
Power structure: Transitional
Few nations have experienced as much turmoil over the past few years as Libya. The country’s government saw its downfall during a mass uprising and protest, which ultimately led to protestors parading around with the body of former president Muammar Gaddafi on the streets. The country’s fall was a part of the ‘Arab Spring’, which also saw mass protests in Syria, Egypt and Bahrain, among others.
Now, Libya is still embroiled in turmoil. No formal government has taken root, and fighting between rebels and those loyal to the old administration is still taking place. Due to the high levels of uncertainty, the country’s GDP contracted 9.4 percent during 2013, according to The World Bank. The power vacuum has left open a great opportunity for arms dealers and corrupt military higher-ups to take charge and make profits by pitting citizens against each other.
Libya currently operates under a transitional government, and both its administrative and judicial systems are vulnerable to a wide variety of outside interference. It’s economy is almost entirely based on energy, which supplies 95 percent of export earnings and 80 percent of the nation’s GDP, per the CIA. Until a new, permanent government can be established, Libya will most likely remain a hotbed of political and economic instability.
7. Iraq
Corruption score: 16
Power structure: Federal Parliamentary Constitutional Republic (ostensibly)
Many people may be surprised that Iraq isn’t higher on the list of the world’s most corrupt countries, but its certainly up there. It’s no secret the current state of affairs in Iraq is a total mess. After the second American invasion in 15 years, the pullout of U.S. forces has left Iraq a virtual power vacuum, with several different sects fighting for power over the embattled nation. Fighting is mostly concentrated between the Kurds, the Shiites and the Sunnis, but the arrival of ISIS from Syria has added additional issues.
The CIA lists Iraq’s government as a parliamentary democracy, but the legitimacy of the government is definitely up for debate. And there’s definitely little debate as to whether or not corruption has taken hold in the country, as Iraq’s vast wealth and natural resources have made it a target for all kinds of industry and war profiteers.
Iraq has actually seen some economic growth as the country rebuilds itself, but there is also a lot of outside interference from American and European contracting companies, hired to rebuild infrastructure and tap into the country’s oil reserves. The future of Iraq is probably as uncertain as any country in the world. It’s very possible that the nation will dissolve and turn into three distinct countries, as it was before Europeans entered the fray in the early 20th century. As for now, incredible instability — along with the arrival of ISIS in the north — will keep the country in a state of flux.
8. Uzbekistan
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Republic
One of the lesser-traveled nations in the world, Uzbekistan finds itself as one of the world’s messiest countries. From an economic standpoint, things appear to be going alright with 8 percent growth in GDP during 2013. In fact, information from The World Bank indicates the economy of Uzbekistan has remained more or less the same through the financial crisis which has crippled systems in Europe and North America.
The nation’s government is set up as a republic with an authoritative presidential figure in Islam Karimov. The vast majority of the country’s power resides within the executive branch, making it ripe for corruption. Karimov has been president since Uzbekistan actually became a country after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, winning three straight terms of between five and seven years. Like many other Middle-Eastern authority figures, he has apparently not grown tired of ruling the country.
Much of the Uzbek economy relies on agriculture for subsistence, as the entire country is landlocked and experiences a very dry climate. Many multinational corporations have experienced run-ins with the country’s government, having been accused of not following local laws and customs. That hasn’t stopped the administration from trying to attract more business, however, through tax incentives and sometimes even bribery.
9. Turkmenistan
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Presidential Democracy/Authoritarian
Turkmenistan resides in a dangerous neighborhood, to say the least. Bordered by Iran, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to the north, the country lies in a virtual hotbed of corrupt states. With the constant turmoil all over the Middle East, it’s been very easy for the country to fall into corrupt affairs, especially concentrated at the top from the authoritarian presidential figure, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow.
The CIA’s file says that Turkmenistan likes to describe itself as a secular democracy and presidential republic, while in practice, its government more closely resembles an authoritarian dictatorship. The country itself was founded as a result of the Soviet Union’s collapse, as so many others in the region, and the resulting power struggle has left the nation highly corrupt and vulnerable to tomfoolery.
Also like many other countries in its region, Turkmenistan’s economy is largely based on agriculture and energy. The country is fortunate to have vast reserves of crude oil and natural gas to supplement the economy, although they are controlled by the government. Misuse of the state’s revenues have driven many investors away and led to high levels of corruption.
10. Syria
Corruption score: 17
Power structure: Authoritarian Republic
One of the world’s oldest countries is, unfortunately, one of the most corrupt. At this point in time, corruption has become the most important issue as well, as civil war has engulfed the country and left thousands dead over the past few years. The uprising in Syria originally began as a part of the ‘Arab Spring’ which saw several dictators across the region fall, but Syria’s leader Bashar Al-Assad has been able to hold on to power through — what many believe — are fixed elections.
The situation in Syria has quickly devolved into one of the worst humanitarians situations the world has seen in recent memory. The fighting has also given birth to the terrorist group ISIS, which has hit the road to Iraq to conquer more territory. Syria’s frightening display of government-sponsored violence and corruption has left many across the world awestruck, and has effectively destroyed the nation’s economic systems.
Due to the civil war and the awful conditions under the Assad administration, the outlook in Syria is not good. The economy is expected to continue to disintegrate, and there is little hope that the fighting and bloodshed will cease in the near future. Millions of people have been displaced, and millions others are starving or cannot find work. It seems the only way Syria will find a happy ending is with the ultimate overthrow of its leaders and corrupt administration.
Honorable Mention: The United States
Corruption score: 73
power structure: Democratic Republic
There has to be an honorable mention for the United States, which many people figure has to be the most corrupt nation on Earth. The fact is, the U.S. does have a great deal of corruption in many forms, like lobbying, bribery, gerrymandering, and bought elections. But according to the corruption index, the U.S. pales in comparison to countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East.
The economic system of the U.S. — although often portrayed as ‘free-market’ — is often anything but. A quick look at the telecom or energy industry shows that many monopolistic forces are at play, and big money oftentimes can get laws rewritten to preserve power and influence. Pressure from big business and labor groups is a major factor in why America is the only major world power without a nationalized healthcare system, and why there has been enormous growth in inequality, particularly as of late.
There are definitely many issues the United States needs to work out — from the financial system to elections — but with the status quo firmly set in place, there isn’t much indication that citizens should expect big-time change in the near-term.
...............................................
Two thriving vineyards in Shan State
Written by
Claudia Sosa
Published in
Features
Read
1187 times
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Pruning the vines. Photo: Christopher Smith
Reds, whites and breathtaking views
The drive into the Shan hills from sleepy Nyaung Shwe is breathtakingly scenic, passing century-old teak monasteries, sunflower fields and small villages where advertising for consumer goods co-exists with traditional bamboo architecture. It’s a shock when the bumpy road provides a first glimpse of the sprawling acres of Sauvignon Blanc and Pinot Noir tended by the indigenous Pa’O in their characteristic, bright headscarves. It’s crazier still to think that this dark red earth of Shan State, which has seen decades of armed conflict, is now home to thriving vineyards.
How exactly did winemaking make its way to Myanmar, of all places? An otherwise humble Bert Morsbach is happy to take the credit for singlehandedly kick-starting Myanmar’s wine industry. He’s earned it too, especially after armed conflict in Kayah State put an abrupt end to his first attempt at a winery in 1998. “Tenacity,” he says in a stern German tone, when asked what it takes to do well in this region. Yet , despite being a businessman at heart, his voice softens when he speaks about Aythaya wines.
After abandoning efforts in Loikaw when the government could no longer guarantee his safety, Mr Morsbach decided to give winemaking in Myanmar one more try, this time at Aythaya village, nestled among the hills around picturesque Inle Lake. His determination has paid off and 15 years later Aythaya Vineyards is experiencing annual growth of between 40 percent and 50 percent. Last year’s vintage has sold out and sales have doubled every three years.
Admittedly, great wine is not the first thing that comes to mind when thinking of Southeast Asia. Mr Morsbach agrees that, “producing a good harvest [here] is a major undertaking.” With the Inle Lake region receiving as much yearly rainfall as Germany, but in a shorter, concentrated period, fungus is one of the major concerns of viticulturists in the tropics. But once they have a grasp of the challenges imposed by the climate, the results can be spectacular.
Aythaya’s wines are progressively moving in that direction and Mr Morscbach argues that his Sauvignon Blanc, in particular, is as good as similar varietals from New Zealand. It’s light and crisp, if slightly on the sweeter side of the spectrum, but one sip is all it takes to wipe away sour memories of some frighteningly bad wines made in Thailand or Vietnam.
The 28-acre (11.3 hectare) Aythaya Vineyards estate is absolutely breathtaking and well worth a visit. The open-air hillside restaurant - open daily from 8:30am to 9:00pm (closed Mondays in the rainy season) - overlooks thousands of vines, as well as three ponds. In the middle of one of the ponds is a private dining table, sheltered by a canopy, which is the perfect setting for a romantic afternoon or one of Aythaya’s famed “sunset dinners,” featuring local specialties as well as a selection of European dishes. Visitors are advised to call in advance to reserve the table on the pond. Should an afternoon turn into the most pleasant of late nights, it’s worth considering staying in one of the two secluded Monte di Vino Lodge teak cabins, which have private, panoramic views of the Aythaya Vineyards estate. At US$120 (about K117,000) a night for the smallest of the two cabins, they are arguably among the best-value, most unique accommodation in Southeast Asia. Even if you stay elsewhere, hiring a private car from your hotel at Inle Lake or from Heho airport to tour the vineyards should only cost about $30 for a day.
But why stop at one vineyard? If you plan your trip carefully, a day is more than enough to visit both Aythaya Vineyards and the Red Mountain Estate, the only other vineyard in the region, and in Myanmar, for that matter. Your palate will definitely thank you, even if your liver might not.
Set amid similarly scenic terrain but overlooking the Inle Lake valley, Red Mountain welcomes visitors every day from 9am-6pm, through private sunset dinners can be arranged if bookings are made in advance. (Red Mountain moved its original closing time forward to the late afternoon out of concern for the safety of visitors after some tried to cycle back to Nyaung Shwe in darkness and after too much to drink). The sprawling estate boasts a stone underground cellar and a restaurant offering panoramic views of the lake and serving international cuisine. Its visitor centre and restaurant are on the smaller of two estates that collectively produce more than 200,000 bottle of wine a year. Though 100 percent Myanmar-owned, Red Mountain Vineyards believes in adhering to the strictest European standards. In that spirit, it’s imported all its equipment from Italy, its oak barrels from Hungary, and its original vines from France, Spain and Israel. In its early days, it even imported glass bottles from France. Under the 12-year guidance of French oenologist and viticulturalist François Raynal, who’s made Red Mountain his life's work, the winery has grown from a seven hectare (17.13 acre) experiment to a 75-hectare (185 acre) institution. A testament to Myanmar’s growing wine market, Red Mountain also sold out last year’s vintage, though a small selection remains at its in-house boutique for visitors who’d like an original souvenir from Inle. At $8 to $13 a bottle, prices are a steal compared to the prices for the same wine in Nyaung Shwe or Yangon.
Red Mountain is clearly a labour of love for Mr Raynal, who understands that an appreciation for exquisite, European-quality wine sometimes trumps business sensibilities. To that effect, nearly 300 Pa’O work daily to harvest 19 varietals, including low-yield grapes such as Cabernet Sauvignon, which, while bad for business, result in better wines.
Red Mountain aims for quality as well as breadth, offering a wider selection than nearby Aythaya Vineyards. While its Sauvignon Blanc is also among its strongest wines, the Red Mountain reds - particularly the Pinot Noir - can hold their own and are clearly superior to Aythaya reds. Industry sources say the reason for this is because Red Mountain directly oversees all phases of the winemaking process, while Aythaya has trained about 40 farmers south of Mandalay to grow grapes on contract. Aythaya's objective was to increase the incomes of Myanmar growers while allowing its prices to remain competitive (a bottle of its most affordable Monte Vino sells for just $6.50 at City Mart). Whether it’s a move that’s good for business but bad for taste remains to be seen, though Mr Morsbach believes that contract farming and wider use of mechanisation will create a robust domestic wine industry that’s also inclusive of indigenous populations.
It’s striking that Aythaya, while adamantly championing local inclusion and local knowledge, remains a wholly foreign-owned enterprise. Meanwhile, Red Mountain Winery is a Myanmar-owned enterprise that nonetheless emphasises strict European standards. Despite these drastically different approaches to tropical viticulture and business in Myanmar, there’s a bright future ahead for both vineyards. Mr Morsbach is optimistic about the future and plans to expand production and build conference facilities to make the vineyard a venue for business meetings. “There have been moments of happiness but not of pride,” Mr Morsbach said, as he recounted the feeling of sitting down at the end of the day to drink a satisfying glass of wine. “It’s very rewarding, and now, it’s also become financially rewarding,” he said.
Both Red Mountain and Aythaya agree that a demographic shift has resulted in a greater proportion of Myanmar customers, compared to when they both went into business more than a decade ago and most of their wine was sold to foreigners.
Both companies sell most of their product on the domestic market through retailers such as City Mart and at better quality restaurants in Yangon, Mandalay and around Inle Lake. Red Mountain has no immediate plans to expand but it is hoping to improve yields and aims to produce about 500,000 bottles a year. Nono, a Pa’O who is Red Mountain’s head of marketing, says it intends to compete with European wines. While this may seem to be a lofty ambition, what these two vineyards have accomplished in less than two decades is proof that the sky is the limit for the wine industry in Myanmar.
Contact information:
Aythaya Vineyard
http://www.myanmar-vineyard.com
Htone-Bo Aythaya,Taunggyi
Southern Shan State
081-208653, 081-208548
Red Mountain Estate
http://www.redmountain-estate.com/index.html
Taung Chay Village Group,
Nyaung Shwe Township
081-209366, 081-209554
Written by
Claudia Sosa
Published in
Features
Read
1187 times
font size Print Email
Pruning the vines. Photo: Christopher Smith
Reds, whites and breathtaking views
The drive into the Shan hills from sleepy Nyaung Shwe is breathtakingly scenic, passing century-old teak monasteries, sunflower fields and small villages where advertising for consumer goods co-exists with traditional bamboo architecture. It’s a shock when the bumpy road provides a first glimpse of the sprawling acres of Sauvignon Blanc and Pinot Noir tended by the indigenous Pa’O in their characteristic, bright headscarves. It’s crazier still to think that this dark red earth of Shan State, which has seen decades of armed conflict, is now home to thriving vineyards.
How exactly did winemaking make its way to Myanmar, of all places? An otherwise humble Bert Morsbach is happy to take the credit for singlehandedly kick-starting Myanmar’s wine industry. He’s earned it too, especially after armed conflict in Kayah State put an abrupt end to his first attempt at a winery in 1998. “Tenacity,” he says in a stern German tone, when asked what it takes to do well in this region. Yet , despite being a businessman at heart, his voice softens when he speaks about Aythaya wines.
After abandoning efforts in Loikaw when the government could no longer guarantee his safety, Mr Morsbach decided to give winemaking in Myanmar one more try, this time at Aythaya village, nestled among the hills around picturesque Inle Lake. His determination has paid off and 15 years later Aythaya Vineyards is experiencing annual growth of between 40 percent and 50 percent. Last year’s vintage has sold out and sales have doubled every three years.
Admittedly, great wine is not the first thing that comes to mind when thinking of Southeast Asia. Mr Morsbach agrees that, “producing a good harvest [here] is a major undertaking.” With the Inle Lake region receiving as much yearly rainfall as Germany, but in a shorter, concentrated period, fungus is one of the major concerns of viticulturists in the tropics. But once they have a grasp of the challenges imposed by the climate, the results can be spectacular.
Aythaya’s wines are progressively moving in that direction and Mr Morscbach argues that his Sauvignon Blanc, in particular, is as good as similar varietals from New Zealand. It’s light and crisp, if slightly on the sweeter side of the spectrum, but one sip is all it takes to wipe away sour memories of some frighteningly bad wines made in Thailand or Vietnam.
The 28-acre (11.3 hectare) Aythaya Vineyards estate is absolutely breathtaking and well worth a visit. The open-air hillside restaurant - open daily from 8:30am to 9:00pm (closed Mondays in the rainy season) - overlooks thousands of vines, as well as three ponds. In the middle of one of the ponds is a private dining table, sheltered by a canopy, which is the perfect setting for a romantic afternoon or one of Aythaya’s famed “sunset dinners,” featuring local specialties as well as a selection of European dishes. Visitors are advised to call in advance to reserve the table on the pond. Should an afternoon turn into the most pleasant of late nights, it’s worth considering staying in one of the two secluded Monte di Vino Lodge teak cabins, which have private, panoramic views of the Aythaya Vineyards estate. At US$120 (about K117,000) a night for the smallest of the two cabins, they are arguably among the best-value, most unique accommodation in Southeast Asia. Even if you stay elsewhere, hiring a private car from your hotel at Inle Lake or from Heho airport to tour the vineyards should only cost about $30 for a day.
But why stop at one vineyard? If you plan your trip carefully, a day is more than enough to visit both Aythaya Vineyards and the Red Mountain Estate, the only other vineyard in the region, and in Myanmar, for that matter. Your palate will definitely thank you, even if your liver might not.
Set amid similarly scenic terrain but overlooking the Inle Lake valley, Red Mountain welcomes visitors every day from 9am-6pm, through private sunset dinners can be arranged if bookings are made in advance. (Red Mountain moved its original closing time forward to the late afternoon out of concern for the safety of visitors after some tried to cycle back to Nyaung Shwe in darkness and after too much to drink). The sprawling estate boasts a stone underground cellar and a restaurant offering panoramic views of the lake and serving international cuisine. Its visitor centre and restaurant are on the smaller of two estates that collectively produce more than 200,000 bottle of wine a year. Though 100 percent Myanmar-owned, Red Mountain Vineyards believes in adhering to the strictest European standards. In that spirit, it’s imported all its equipment from Italy, its oak barrels from Hungary, and its original vines from France, Spain and Israel. In its early days, it even imported glass bottles from France. Under the 12-year guidance of French oenologist and viticulturalist François Raynal, who’s made Red Mountain his life's work, the winery has grown from a seven hectare (17.13 acre) experiment to a 75-hectare (185 acre) institution. A testament to Myanmar’s growing wine market, Red Mountain also sold out last year’s vintage, though a small selection remains at its in-house boutique for visitors who’d like an original souvenir from Inle. At $8 to $13 a bottle, prices are a steal compared to the prices for the same wine in Nyaung Shwe or Yangon.
Red Mountain is clearly a labour of love for Mr Raynal, who understands that an appreciation for exquisite, European-quality wine sometimes trumps business sensibilities. To that effect, nearly 300 Pa’O work daily to harvest 19 varietals, including low-yield grapes such as Cabernet Sauvignon, which, while bad for business, result in better wines.
Red Mountain aims for quality as well as breadth, offering a wider selection than nearby Aythaya Vineyards. While its Sauvignon Blanc is also among its strongest wines, the Red Mountain reds - particularly the Pinot Noir - can hold their own and are clearly superior to Aythaya reds. Industry sources say the reason for this is because Red Mountain directly oversees all phases of the winemaking process, while Aythaya has trained about 40 farmers south of Mandalay to grow grapes on contract. Aythaya's objective was to increase the incomes of Myanmar growers while allowing its prices to remain competitive (a bottle of its most affordable Monte Vino sells for just $6.50 at City Mart). Whether it’s a move that’s good for business but bad for taste remains to be seen, though Mr Morsbach believes that contract farming and wider use of mechanisation will create a robust domestic wine industry that’s also inclusive of indigenous populations.
It’s striking that Aythaya, while adamantly championing local inclusion and local knowledge, remains a wholly foreign-owned enterprise. Meanwhile, Red Mountain Winery is a Myanmar-owned enterprise that nonetheless emphasises strict European standards. Despite these drastically different approaches to tropical viticulture and business in Myanmar, there’s a bright future ahead for both vineyards. Mr Morsbach is optimistic about the future and plans to expand production and build conference facilities to make the vineyard a venue for business meetings. “There have been moments of happiness but not of pride,” Mr Morsbach said, as he recounted the feeling of sitting down at the end of the day to drink a satisfying glass of wine. “It’s very rewarding, and now, it’s also become financially rewarding,” he said.
Both Red Mountain and Aythaya agree that a demographic shift has resulted in a greater proportion of Myanmar customers, compared to when they both went into business more than a decade ago and most of their wine was sold to foreigners.
Both companies sell most of their product on the domestic market through retailers such as City Mart and at better quality restaurants in Yangon, Mandalay and around Inle Lake. Red Mountain has no immediate plans to expand but it is hoping to improve yields and aims to produce about 500,000 bottles a year. Nono, a Pa’O who is Red Mountain’s head of marketing, says it intends to compete with European wines. While this may seem to be a lofty ambition, what these two vineyards have accomplished in less than two decades is proof that the sky is the limit for the wine industry in Myanmar.
Contact information:
Aythaya Vineyard
http://www.myanmar-vineyard.com
Htone-Bo Aythaya,Taunggyi
Southern Shan State
081-208653, 081-208548
Red Mountain Estate
http://www.redmountain-estate.com/index.html
Taung Chay Village Group,
Nyaung Shwe Township
081-209366, 081-209554
วันศุกร์ที่ 29 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2557
Xi Jinping's success so far: Taking control by following Deng Xiaoping
By Jaime FlorCruz, CNN Beijing bureau chief
August 29, 2014 -- Updated 0754 GMT (1554 HKT)
Xi has become the most powerful Chinese leader since the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1997
China watchers compare Xi's ruling strategy to those of Mao Zedong and Deng
China insider: "Xi truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve the China Dream"
Editor's note: CNN's Beijing bureau chief Jaime FlorCruz has lived and worked in China since 1971. He studied Chinese history at Peking University (1977-81) and was TIME Magazine's Beijing correspondent and bureau chief (1982-2000).
(CNN) -- The 110th birthday of former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping was celebrated on August 22 with an exhibition, a television biopic, and a series of national events. The "paramount leader" ruled for more than a decade, kick-starting China's market economic reform.
All these events have prompted much talk not just on Deng but also on Chinese president Xi Jinping.
Straws in the wind here hint that China is again entering an era of strongman rule.
Less than two years after Xi took over the top Communist Party post, Xi's leading position is looking virtually unassailable.
He now holds the top posts in the party, state and the military. Recently, he has cleverly maneuvered to put himself at the head of two new supra-ministerial bodies.
The "central leading group on national security" gives him the final say on diplomatic, military, security, police and intelligence institutions.
'On China:' Can Xi Jinping lead? Xi Jinping to boost economic growth The road ahead for China's new leader
The other leading group on "deepening of economic reform" gives him oversight on economic affairs, clipping the power of Premier Li Keqiang, China's No. 2 leader and the de facto COO of the economy.
This, China analysts say, signifies that Xi has become the most powerful Chinese leader since the death of Deng in 1997.
Mao or Deng?
Xi's shrewd moves makes China watchers wonder: Is he mimicking Mao, who wielded absolute power during his decades-long rule? Is he building a cult of personality that befits an omnipotent modern-day emperor?
To be sure, Xi does not approve of totally repudiating Mao.
"To completely negate Mao Zedong would lead to the demise of the Communist Party of China and to great chaos in China," Xi said early last year.
He rejected "historical nihilism," instead advocating "not being negative about the 30 years before Deng Xiaoping's economic reform."
READ: The Xi Jinping cipher: Reformer or a 'dictator?'
Still, some China experts say Xi is not following Mao's policies.
"If you look at what he does and how he does it, I don't see much Maoism," said Ezra Vogel, a retired Harvard professor and author of the book "Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China." "I see much more of Deng Xiaoping."
Vogel recalled how Xi chose Shenzhen as the site of his first "inspection tour" as president. The Special Economic Zone is where Deng Xiaoping experimented with his market-reform in the early 1980s. Xi referred to that in his speech commemorating the 110th anniversary of the birth of the late Deng.
"It was a very sentimental thing," Vogel noted. "I think the effect of the speech and what Xi was trying to say is that 'Ok, Deng was a bold leader who tried to make changes. I'm going to make some changes too.'"
Like Deng, Vogel explained, Xi believes that the country must be strong.
"But he felt in the end that only if the country had enough internal stability could you make changes," the Harvard professor said. "And he was quite cautious about releasing and allowing more freedom until the conditions were met. It looks to me that Xi Jinping was very much following it."
Keeping friends close
The Harvard historian has not seen much sign that Xi wants to be more democratic.
Xi is poised to make big changes because he truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve his China Dream. He wants to keep the Communist Party in power but he also wants to push China to the next level.
"He has been very tough on corruption, and the way I see it now he's beginning to talk about the law, the legal reform," he said.
Early this month the Communist Party announced that Zhou Yongkang, the former public security minister and member of China's Politburo Standing Committee, would be investigated "on suspicion of grave violations of discipline."
This is by far the biggest step Xi has taken in his anti-corruption campaign, confirming his pledge to take on the "tigers" (top officials) as well as "flies"(minor violators).
Like Deng, Vogel added, Xi wants to centralize things in his own hands. "He wants to be a strong leader. He wants to make bold decisions. And he wants to make it very clear that he's in charge."
READ: China: President Xi Jinping's one-year report card
Xi is in a hurry to take charge. Since he took over top posts, he has been moving allies into key Party, government and military positions.
"It took (former president) Jiang Zemin 10 years to promote his trusted commanders to top military posts," says one Chinese source who requested anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the topic. "It took (Xi's predecessor) Hu Jintao four to do the same. Xi is doing it in two years."
Liu Yuan, an army general and, like Xi, a well-connected "princeling" (he is the son of the late Chinese president Liu Shaoqi), is poised to be elevated into the military commission, the source said.
Current Shanghai party chief Han Zheng is also expected to move to Beijing to join the Leading Group on Economic Reform.
Top-level reshuffles are expected to be finalized during a policy meeting, called a "plenum," of the nearly 400 members of the Communist Party's elite scheduled in October.
After this round of changes, the Chinese source said, "about 70% of top leaders in the provinces and major cities and some ministries will have been replaced or reshuffled. It's the second stage of Xi's plan to put in his people."
"Historic mission"
Supporters of Xi's attempts to accumulate power say he needs to do so to deal with a host of pressing challenges.
I asked whether this makes him a dictator in the making.
"Every leader in the world does this," the source said. "If Hillary (Clinton) becomes the next U.S. president, she will also do the same -- put people you trust in critical posts." Leading China's transition, he said, is an extraordinarily difficult job.
Xi's admirers say he a pragmatist who is more goal-oriented than ideologically driven.
"It's not really a question of whether Xi is a conservative or a reformist," said the Chinese source. "He is poised to make big changes because he truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve his China Dream. He wants to keep the Communist Party in power but he also wants to push China to the next level."
How Xi will achieve his goals remains undefined, but one thing is clear: Xi does not welcome unsolicited advice.
Earlier, he had been heard saying, off-the-cuff: "Westerners with full stomachs should not be lecturing China."
Said in the fashion of Mao and Deng.
READ: Chinese leader Xi Jinping's 2014 challenge: Resolving an identity crisis?
By Jaime FlorCruz, CNN Beijing bureau chief
August 29, 2014 -- Updated 0754 GMT (1554 HKT)
Xi has become the most powerful Chinese leader since the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1997
China watchers compare Xi's ruling strategy to those of Mao Zedong and Deng
China insider: "Xi truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve the China Dream"
Editor's note: CNN's Beijing bureau chief Jaime FlorCruz has lived and worked in China since 1971. He studied Chinese history at Peking University (1977-81) and was TIME Magazine's Beijing correspondent and bureau chief (1982-2000).
(CNN) -- The 110th birthday of former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping was celebrated on August 22 with an exhibition, a television biopic, and a series of national events. The "paramount leader" ruled for more than a decade, kick-starting China's market economic reform.
All these events have prompted much talk not just on Deng but also on Chinese president Xi Jinping.
Straws in the wind here hint that China is again entering an era of strongman rule.
Less than two years after Xi took over the top Communist Party post, Xi's leading position is looking virtually unassailable.
He now holds the top posts in the party, state and the military. Recently, he has cleverly maneuvered to put himself at the head of two new supra-ministerial bodies.
The "central leading group on national security" gives him the final say on diplomatic, military, security, police and intelligence institutions.
'On China:' Can Xi Jinping lead? Xi Jinping to boost economic growth The road ahead for China's new leader
The other leading group on "deepening of economic reform" gives him oversight on economic affairs, clipping the power of Premier Li Keqiang, China's No. 2 leader and the de facto COO of the economy.
This, China analysts say, signifies that Xi has become the most powerful Chinese leader since the death of Deng in 1997.
Mao or Deng?
Xi's shrewd moves makes China watchers wonder: Is he mimicking Mao, who wielded absolute power during his decades-long rule? Is he building a cult of personality that befits an omnipotent modern-day emperor?
To be sure, Xi does not approve of totally repudiating Mao.
"To completely negate Mao Zedong would lead to the demise of the Communist Party of China and to great chaos in China," Xi said early last year.
He rejected "historical nihilism," instead advocating "not being negative about the 30 years before Deng Xiaoping's economic reform."
READ: The Xi Jinping cipher: Reformer or a 'dictator?'
Still, some China experts say Xi is not following Mao's policies.
"If you look at what he does and how he does it, I don't see much Maoism," said Ezra Vogel, a retired Harvard professor and author of the book "Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China." "I see much more of Deng Xiaoping."
Vogel recalled how Xi chose Shenzhen as the site of his first "inspection tour" as president. The Special Economic Zone is where Deng Xiaoping experimented with his market-reform in the early 1980s. Xi referred to that in his speech commemorating the 110th anniversary of the birth of the late Deng.
"It was a very sentimental thing," Vogel noted. "I think the effect of the speech and what Xi was trying to say is that 'Ok, Deng was a bold leader who tried to make changes. I'm going to make some changes too.'"
Like Deng, Vogel explained, Xi believes that the country must be strong.
"But he felt in the end that only if the country had enough internal stability could you make changes," the Harvard professor said. "And he was quite cautious about releasing and allowing more freedom until the conditions were met. It looks to me that Xi Jinping was very much following it."
Keeping friends close
The Harvard historian has not seen much sign that Xi wants to be more democratic.
Xi is poised to make big changes because he truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve his China Dream. He wants to keep the Communist Party in power but he also wants to push China to the next level.
"He has been very tough on corruption, and the way I see it now he's beginning to talk about the law, the legal reform," he said.
Early this month the Communist Party announced that Zhou Yongkang, the former public security minister and member of China's Politburo Standing Committee, would be investigated "on suspicion of grave violations of discipline."
This is by far the biggest step Xi has taken in his anti-corruption campaign, confirming his pledge to take on the "tigers" (top officials) as well as "flies"(minor violators).
Like Deng, Vogel added, Xi wants to centralize things in his own hands. "He wants to be a strong leader. He wants to make bold decisions. And he wants to make it very clear that he's in charge."
READ: China: President Xi Jinping's one-year report card
Xi is in a hurry to take charge. Since he took over top posts, he has been moving allies into key Party, government and military positions.
"It took (former president) Jiang Zemin 10 years to promote his trusted commanders to top military posts," says one Chinese source who requested anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the topic. "It took (Xi's predecessor) Hu Jintao four to do the same. Xi is doing it in two years."
Liu Yuan, an army general and, like Xi, a well-connected "princeling" (he is the son of the late Chinese president Liu Shaoqi), is poised to be elevated into the military commission, the source said.
Current Shanghai party chief Han Zheng is also expected to move to Beijing to join the Leading Group on Economic Reform.
Top-level reshuffles are expected to be finalized during a policy meeting, called a "plenum," of the nearly 400 members of the Communist Party's elite scheduled in October.
After this round of changes, the Chinese source said, "about 70% of top leaders in the provinces and major cities and some ministries will have been replaced or reshuffled. It's the second stage of Xi's plan to put in his people."
"Historic mission"
Supporters of Xi's attempts to accumulate power say he needs to do so to deal with a host of pressing challenges.
I asked whether this makes him a dictator in the making.
"Every leader in the world does this," the source said. "If Hillary (Clinton) becomes the next U.S. president, she will also do the same -- put people you trust in critical posts." Leading China's transition, he said, is an extraordinarily difficult job.
Xi's admirers say he a pragmatist who is more goal-oriented than ideologically driven.
"It's not really a question of whether Xi is a conservative or a reformist," said the Chinese source. "He is poised to make big changes because he truly believes he has a historic mission to achieve his China Dream. He wants to keep the Communist Party in power but he also wants to push China to the next level."
How Xi will achieve his goals remains undefined, but one thing is clear: Xi does not welcome unsolicited advice.
Earlier, he had been heard saying, off-the-cuff: "Westerners with full stomachs should not be lecturing China."
Said in the fashion of Mao and Deng.
READ: Chinese leader Xi Jinping's 2014 challenge: Resolving an identity crisis?
วันอาทิตย์ที่ 17 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2557
Will Iraq's Nuri al-Maliki go without a fight? 5 things to know
By Tim Lister, CNN
August 13, 2014 -- Updated 1608 GMT (0008 HKT)
Iraqi power struggle comes amid crisis
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Iraq's President ends months of deadlock by nominating Islamist Shia Haider al-Abadi as next Prime Minister
Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq's current Prime Minister, says he will fight al-Abadi's nomination in court
Political paralysis has impeded Iraq's ability to fight ISIS militants who have seized large parts of the country
Al-Abadi's appointment has drawn praise from the White House, Iran and Saudi Arabia
(CNN) -- There may not be many issues on which the Islamic Republic of Iran and the White House agree, but dumping Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki in favor of Haider al-Abadi is one of them. The message from a growing number of actors inside and outside Iraq is the same: Maliki must go if the country is to be saved.
Iraq's unofficial power-sharing agreement dictates that the President is a Kurd, the Speaker of Parliament a Sunni and the Prime Minister a Shia. This division of power among Iraq's three main groups has helped to prevent Maliki's growing authoritarianism during his eight years as premier.
In 2011, a Sunni Vice-President -- Tariq al-Hashimi -- fled to Kurdish northern Iraq after Maliki ordered his arrest and accused him of terrorism. The Prime Minister also suppressed Sunni protests in western Iraq, giving the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) the opening it needed in courting Sunni tribes.
Now the much-maligned constitution may have come to the rescue. It stipulates that the President -- currently Fuad Masum, who was elected on July 24th -- should call on the leader of the largest bloc in parliament to form a new government within 30 days. Maliki said that was him as leader of the State of Law bloc, but Maoum was open to other interpretations. Shia politicians in the broader but loose National Alliance wrote to the President Monday to say they could muster more votes than Maliki.
It was -- in essence -- a coup within the Prime Minister's own party.
So, can a new government be formed?
Coalition-building in Iraq since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein has never been easy, but Nuri al-Maliki has arguably made it harder through his growing reliance on a Shia bloc loyal to him. He has built up special forces outside the regular army and accentuated sectarianism in Iraqi politics. In the process, he has alienated the Kurdish and Sunni minorities.
Thousands of Iraqi refugees flee ISIS U.S. sending military advisers to Iraq U.S. airstrikes help Kurds recapture town On the frontlines in the battle with ISIS
Photos: Iraq under siege
After April's elections, there was a sense of paralysis. It took several attempts just to get a quorum in the new parliament so a new President could be appointed. Maliki stayed on as Prime Minister, believing opposition to him would crumble because no other viable candidate would emerge.
The rapid advance by ISIS and the growing disenchantment of the Shia establishment with Maliki's obstinate refusal to give way broke the logjam. Two events in the last few days seem to have turned doubters into opponents.
EXCLUSIVE: The moment Iraq's Yazidis were plucked from mountain
The first was ISIS' capture of the strategically vital Mosul dam, just as the fighters also put pressure on Kurdish towns to the north. The dam is a critical link in central Iraq's power and water supplies -- but its destruction would flood a huge tract of the country.
The second (and possibly related) event was the strongest suggestion yet from Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani -- the undisputed leader of Iraq's Shia -- that Maliki's time was up. Through a representative at Friday prayers last week, Sistani warned that politicians who put their self-interest before the national interest were committing a "grave mistake."
Sistani's position created fissures within the State of Law coalition and Maliki's own Dawa Party, according to Ayham Kamel of the Eurasia Group political consultancy firm, "and provided members of the State of Law coalition with political cover to defect to the National Alliance."
Who is Haider al-Abadi?
Haider al-Abadi was born in Baghdad in 1952. A long-time member of the Dawa Party (he is said to have joined as a teenager) he was one of thousands of prominent Iraqis -- especially Shia -- who left the country during Saddam Hussein's rule. Al-Abadi left to study abroad after receiving a bachelor's degree in 1975, and stayed away as Hussein tightened his grip on the country. Two of his brothers were not so lucky; they were executed in 1982 for belonging to the Dawa Party. The following year, the regime cancelled Haider's passport.
Al-Abadi spent many years in Britain, where he received a doctorate in electrical engineering at the University of Manchester. His father, who had been a prominent Iraqi official, was accused of insufficient loyalty to the regime and was forced to retire in 1979. He moved to Britain and lived there until his death.
After Hussein was ousted, al-Abadi returned to Iraq in 2003 and became Communications Minister in the interim government, where his language skills and international contacts proved valuable. According to his biography, al-Abadi was put in charge of ridding the northern Iraqi city of Tal Afar of al Qaeda in 2005, and successfully brought tribes together in doing so. It may prove to have been useful experience; Tal Afar is now under the control of ISIS.
In interviews in recent weeks he has stressed the need for unity and compromise in the face of a common enemy, saying all groups had been weakened in the face of the militant threat. He has argued fervently against the division of Iraq and said he is open to help from Iran (where many Dawa Party members lived in exile.)
What happens to Maliki?
Despite the growing odds against him, Nuri al-Maliki is not going quietly. He has deployed militia loyal to him around and inside the Green Zone -- the center of federal power in Iraq -- and says he will challenge the President's move in court over a "grave constitutional breach."
"Maliki will pressure the constitutional court to issue a clearer ruling that prevents Abadi from assuming power," says Kamel of the Eurasia Group.
Maliki also remains head of the armed forces and intelligence services, and commands the Defense and Interior ministries. Kamel suggests "Maliki could also approve a new military offensive against ISIS and claim that a leadership change would jeopardize the security environment."
But the army has made it clear that its loyalty is to the state, not the Commander-in-Chief. Senior commanders have been alienated by Maliki's formation of militia and special brigades that have taken resources and power from the military, as well as political patronage in senior appointments. Loyalty was prized above ability.
There is the danger that die-hard loyalists to Maliki could put up a fight, drawing the security forces into a battle for control of Baghdad just as they face ISIS not far from the capital. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry alluded to this risk Monday, saying: "The government formation process is critical in terms of sustaining stability and calm in Iraq and our hope is that Mr. Maliki will not stir those waters."
The Institute for the Study of War notes that the powerful Iranian-backed Shia militia, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, has already abandoned Maliki. And it adds that "Iranian-directed militia activities will likely neutralize other elements of the ISF (Iraqi Security Forces) that are loyal to Maliki." Even so, groups like the Badr Brigades -- if they decide to support Maliki -- have the potential to stir trouble.
Some observers suggest Maliki be given a ceremonial position -- perhaps a Vice-Presidency -- to provide him with a dignified exit. But for now he appears to have been outmaneuvered by the same tactics he used so effectively in the past. As Joel Wing writes in his Musings on Iraq blog, "Rather than finding the chinks in his opponents' armor like he did in 2010, it was [his own] State of Law who ended up breaking apart. Now he's left to verbal threats, claims of illegality, and intimidating maneuvers."
"With all the support Abadi is garnering, it will all be over when he presents his ruling coalition for approval to parliament in the next 30 days," writes Wing.
What do the Kurds and Sunnis think?
So far much of the political drama has played out among the Shia parties in Baghdad. Sunni and Kurdish groups are preoccupied with more pressing problems in the face of the ISIS threat, and are waiting to see how al-Abadi follows through on his conciliatory language.
The Dawa Party's Shia Islamist complexion may make Sunnis and Kurds wary of al-Abadi. After all, until recent weeks he was a close aide of Maliki, and therefore -- in the eyes of many Sunnis and Kurds -- guilty by association with an increasingly sectarian Shia program.
The Dawa Party also favors a strong central government, and the Kurds may be concerned that their gains amid the chaos of the last few months -- especially in taking control of Kirkuk and its oil fields -- will be challenged.
Their veteran leader, Massoud Barzani, has said that recent events have forever changed the nature of Iraq -- and suggested a referendum on Kurdish independence may be held.
U.S. Vice President Joe Biden urged Barzani "to work closely with Dr. Abadi as he works to build a diverse, inclusive government," according to a statement from the White House. But the Kurds will want to see concessions on what they would regard as a fairer division of Iraqi oil revenues, as well as more generous supplies of weaponry from Baghdad with which to fight ISIS.
There is also the issue of the Kurds' unilateral sale of oil, which has been vociferously opposed by the government in Baghdad.
What's the view of the international community?
There is rare unanimity that al-Abadi, while not exactly a consensus figure, has to be given a chance to "reach across the aisle" in the face of the existential threat posed by ISIS, which now controls swathes of north and western Iraq.
Obama has already reached out to al-Abadi to urge him to form a cabinet representative of Iraq's ethnic and religious communities. And al-Abadi has made the right noises in response. The White House said he had "expressed his intent to move expeditiously to form a broad-based, inclusive government" in a phone call with the President.
The language out of Tehran has been more restrained, but equally pointed. Ali Shamkhani, a member of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, said on Tuesday his country backed the legal procedure taken in the nomination of the Prime Minister. Saudi Arabia -- which has long loathed Maliki -- also joined the chorus, congratulating President Masum on nominating al-Abadi.
The question is whether, if and when Maliki is forced from office, the Obama administration will step up its participation in the campaign against ISIS. John Kerry has already (not surprisingly) ruled out ground troops. But he said Tuesday: "What we are really looking for is a way to support Iraq, support their forces whether it's training, equipment of one sort or another that can help them stand on their own two feet."
To Max Boot at the Council on Foreign Relations, the question is: "Will we stick to a minimalist containment strategy designed to prevent ISIS from taking Erbil and murdering the Yazidis? Or will we implement a much more ambitious strategy to enable the defeat of ISIS?"
If the latter, the U.S. may need to get the new government's assent for arming Kurdish Peshmerga forces directly, so ISIS can be challenged on two fronts.
U.S. airstrikes appear to have stemmed ISIS' momentum in the Sinjar area near the Syrian border and east of Mosul for now, and better coordination between the Iraqi army and Kurdish forces will further pressurize ISIS. But the militants are resilient, well-organized and have seized weaponry such as armored personnel carriers and tanks from Iraqi armories.
Success on the battlefield -- long awaited but so far unrealized -- may be al-Abadi's best ally as he tries to stitch together a majority in parliament.
....................................................
By Tim Lister, CNN
August 13, 2014 -- Updated 1608 GMT (0008 HKT)
Iraqi power struggle comes amid crisis
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Iraq's President ends months of deadlock by nominating Islamist Shia Haider al-Abadi as next Prime Minister
Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq's current Prime Minister, says he will fight al-Abadi's nomination in court
Political paralysis has impeded Iraq's ability to fight ISIS militants who have seized large parts of the country
Al-Abadi's appointment has drawn praise from the White House, Iran and Saudi Arabia
(CNN) -- There may not be many issues on which the Islamic Republic of Iran and the White House agree, but dumping Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki in favor of Haider al-Abadi is one of them. The message from a growing number of actors inside and outside Iraq is the same: Maliki must go if the country is to be saved.
Iraq's unofficial power-sharing agreement dictates that the President is a Kurd, the Speaker of Parliament a Sunni and the Prime Minister a Shia. This division of power among Iraq's three main groups has helped to prevent Maliki's growing authoritarianism during his eight years as premier.
In 2011, a Sunni Vice-President -- Tariq al-Hashimi -- fled to Kurdish northern Iraq after Maliki ordered his arrest and accused him of terrorism. The Prime Minister also suppressed Sunni protests in western Iraq, giving the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) the opening it needed in courting Sunni tribes.
Now the much-maligned constitution may have come to the rescue. It stipulates that the President -- currently Fuad Masum, who was elected on July 24th -- should call on the leader of the largest bloc in parliament to form a new government within 30 days. Maliki said that was him as leader of the State of Law bloc, but Maoum was open to other interpretations. Shia politicians in the broader but loose National Alliance wrote to the President Monday to say they could muster more votes than Maliki.
It was -- in essence -- a coup within the Prime Minister's own party.
So, can a new government be formed?
Coalition-building in Iraq since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein has never been easy, but Nuri al-Maliki has arguably made it harder through his growing reliance on a Shia bloc loyal to him. He has built up special forces outside the regular army and accentuated sectarianism in Iraqi politics. In the process, he has alienated the Kurdish and Sunni minorities.
Thousands of Iraqi refugees flee ISIS U.S. sending military advisers to Iraq U.S. airstrikes help Kurds recapture town On the frontlines in the battle with ISIS
Photos: Iraq under siege
After April's elections, there was a sense of paralysis. It took several attempts just to get a quorum in the new parliament so a new President could be appointed. Maliki stayed on as Prime Minister, believing opposition to him would crumble because no other viable candidate would emerge.
The rapid advance by ISIS and the growing disenchantment of the Shia establishment with Maliki's obstinate refusal to give way broke the logjam. Two events in the last few days seem to have turned doubters into opponents.
EXCLUSIVE: The moment Iraq's Yazidis were plucked from mountain
The first was ISIS' capture of the strategically vital Mosul dam, just as the fighters also put pressure on Kurdish towns to the north. The dam is a critical link in central Iraq's power and water supplies -- but its destruction would flood a huge tract of the country.
The second (and possibly related) event was the strongest suggestion yet from Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani -- the undisputed leader of Iraq's Shia -- that Maliki's time was up. Through a representative at Friday prayers last week, Sistani warned that politicians who put their self-interest before the national interest were committing a "grave mistake."
Sistani's position created fissures within the State of Law coalition and Maliki's own Dawa Party, according to Ayham Kamel of the Eurasia Group political consultancy firm, "and provided members of the State of Law coalition with political cover to defect to the National Alliance."
Who is Haider al-Abadi?
Haider al-Abadi was born in Baghdad in 1952. A long-time member of the Dawa Party (he is said to have joined as a teenager) he was one of thousands of prominent Iraqis -- especially Shia -- who left the country during Saddam Hussein's rule. Al-Abadi left to study abroad after receiving a bachelor's degree in 1975, and stayed away as Hussein tightened his grip on the country. Two of his brothers were not so lucky; they were executed in 1982 for belonging to the Dawa Party. The following year, the regime cancelled Haider's passport.
Al-Abadi spent many years in Britain, where he received a doctorate in electrical engineering at the University of Manchester. His father, who had been a prominent Iraqi official, was accused of insufficient loyalty to the regime and was forced to retire in 1979. He moved to Britain and lived there until his death.
After Hussein was ousted, al-Abadi returned to Iraq in 2003 and became Communications Minister in the interim government, where his language skills and international contacts proved valuable. According to his biography, al-Abadi was put in charge of ridding the northern Iraqi city of Tal Afar of al Qaeda in 2005, and successfully brought tribes together in doing so. It may prove to have been useful experience; Tal Afar is now under the control of ISIS.
In interviews in recent weeks he has stressed the need for unity and compromise in the face of a common enemy, saying all groups had been weakened in the face of the militant threat. He has argued fervently against the division of Iraq and said he is open to help from Iran (where many Dawa Party members lived in exile.)
What happens to Maliki?
Despite the growing odds against him, Nuri al-Maliki is not going quietly. He has deployed militia loyal to him around and inside the Green Zone -- the center of federal power in Iraq -- and says he will challenge the President's move in court over a "grave constitutional breach."
"Maliki will pressure the constitutional court to issue a clearer ruling that prevents Abadi from assuming power," says Kamel of the Eurasia Group.
Maliki also remains head of the armed forces and intelligence services, and commands the Defense and Interior ministries. Kamel suggests "Maliki could also approve a new military offensive against ISIS and claim that a leadership change would jeopardize the security environment."
But the army has made it clear that its loyalty is to the state, not the Commander-in-Chief. Senior commanders have been alienated by Maliki's formation of militia and special brigades that have taken resources and power from the military, as well as political patronage in senior appointments. Loyalty was prized above ability.
There is the danger that die-hard loyalists to Maliki could put up a fight, drawing the security forces into a battle for control of Baghdad just as they face ISIS not far from the capital. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry alluded to this risk Monday, saying: "The government formation process is critical in terms of sustaining stability and calm in Iraq and our hope is that Mr. Maliki will not stir those waters."
The Institute for the Study of War notes that the powerful Iranian-backed Shia militia, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, has already abandoned Maliki. And it adds that "Iranian-directed militia activities will likely neutralize other elements of the ISF (Iraqi Security Forces) that are loyal to Maliki." Even so, groups like the Badr Brigades -- if they decide to support Maliki -- have the potential to stir trouble.
Some observers suggest Maliki be given a ceremonial position -- perhaps a Vice-Presidency -- to provide him with a dignified exit. But for now he appears to have been outmaneuvered by the same tactics he used so effectively in the past. As Joel Wing writes in his Musings on Iraq blog, "Rather than finding the chinks in his opponents' armor like he did in 2010, it was [his own] State of Law who ended up breaking apart. Now he's left to verbal threats, claims of illegality, and intimidating maneuvers."
"With all the support Abadi is garnering, it will all be over when he presents his ruling coalition for approval to parliament in the next 30 days," writes Wing.
What do the Kurds and Sunnis think?
So far much of the political drama has played out among the Shia parties in Baghdad. Sunni and Kurdish groups are preoccupied with more pressing problems in the face of the ISIS threat, and are waiting to see how al-Abadi follows through on his conciliatory language.
The Dawa Party's Shia Islamist complexion may make Sunnis and Kurds wary of al-Abadi. After all, until recent weeks he was a close aide of Maliki, and therefore -- in the eyes of many Sunnis and Kurds -- guilty by association with an increasingly sectarian Shia program.
The Dawa Party also favors a strong central government, and the Kurds may be concerned that their gains amid the chaos of the last few months -- especially in taking control of Kirkuk and its oil fields -- will be challenged.
Their veteran leader, Massoud Barzani, has said that recent events have forever changed the nature of Iraq -- and suggested a referendum on Kurdish independence may be held.
U.S. Vice President Joe Biden urged Barzani "to work closely with Dr. Abadi as he works to build a diverse, inclusive government," according to a statement from the White House. But the Kurds will want to see concessions on what they would regard as a fairer division of Iraqi oil revenues, as well as more generous supplies of weaponry from Baghdad with which to fight ISIS.
There is also the issue of the Kurds' unilateral sale of oil, which has been vociferously opposed by the government in Baghdad.
What's the view of the international community?
There is rare unanimity that al-Abadi, while not exactly a consensus figure, has to be given a chance to "reach across the aisle" in the face of the existential threat posed by ISIS, which now controls swathes of north and western Iraq.
Obama has already reached out to al-Abadi to urge him to form a cabinet representative of Iraq's ethnic and religious communities. And al-Abadi has made the right noises in response. The White House said he had "expressed his intent to move expeditiously to form a broad-based, inclusive government" in a phone call with the President.
The language out of Tehran has been more restrained, but equally pointed. Ali Shamkhani, a member of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, said on Tuesday his country backed the legal procedure taken in the nomination of the Prime Minister. Saudi Arabia -- which has long loathed Maliki -- also joined the chorus, congratulating President Masum on nominating al-Abadi.
The question is whether, if and when Maliki is forced from office, the Obama administration will step up its participation in the campaign against ISIS. John Kerry has already (not surprisingly) ruled out ground troops. But he said Tuesday: "What we are really looking for is a way to support Iraq, support their forces whether it's training, equipment of one sort or another that can help them stand on their own two feet."
To Max Boot at the Council on Foreign Relations, the question is: "Will we stick to a minimalist containment strategy designed to prevent ISIS from taking Erbil and murdering the Yazidis? Or will we implement a much more ambitious strategy to enable the defeat of ISIS?"
If the latter, the U.S. may need to get the new government's assent for arming Kurdish Peshmerga forces directly, so ISIS can be challenged on two fronts.
U.S. airstrikes appear to have stemmed ISIS' momentum in the Sinjar area near the Syrian border and east of Mosul for now, and better coordination between the Iraqi army and Kurdish forces will further pressurize ISIS. But the militants are resilient, well-organized and have seized weaponry such as armored personnel carriers and tanks from Iraqi armories.
Success on the battlefield -- long awaited but so far unrealized -- may be al-Abadi's best ally as he tries to stitch together a majority in parliament.
....................................................
วันศุกร์ที่ 1 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2557
Lake mysteriously shows in drought-torn Tunisia
Hundreds enjoy new lake despite warnings that the water might be radioactive
Hundreds enjoy Gafsa Beach, a mysteriously lake that appeared out of nowhere in Tunisia. Photo is from the Lac de Gafsa Facebook page
Some locals are calling it a miracle. Others are calling it a curse.
Hundreds of people are flocking to the new lake dubbed Gafsa Beach (a.k.a. Lac de Gafsa) to go swimming, diving, and scuba diving, or to simply find relief from the heat, this despite warnings by local authorities who claim the lake could be radioactive.
A swimmer at Gafsa Beach in Tunisia jumps into water. Photo is from Lac de Gafsa Facebook page
The lake, which covers 2 1/2 acres and is 32 to 59 feet deep, was discovered three weeks ago and already has its own Facebook page showing people enjoying the water, but officials are at a loss to explain its origins.
A swimmer dives into water at Gafsa Beach in Tunisia. Photo is from the Lac de Gafsa Facebook page
One of the theories presented to him was that seismic activity upset the water table, causing groundwater to rise to the surface, Souid said.
“For the time being, the origins of this lake remain a mystery, but our biggest concern right now is the quality of the water,” Souid told France 24. “This region is overflowing with large deposits of phosphate, which can leave behind radioactive residue [phosphate mining is the region’s main industry].
“So, there is a real risk that this water is contaminated and carcinogenic. On the first few days, the water was a clear, turquoise blue. Now, it is greenish and filled with algae, sure signs that the water is stagnant, which means it’s a perfect breeding ground for parasites and disease.”
Unfortunately, the warnings weren’t enough to keep people away.
“The site is certainly stunning and there are many large rocks perfect for diving,” Souid told France 24. “So to truly dissuade people from coming, we’ll need something more convincing than a little warning.”
Let’s just hope Gafsa Beach turns out to be a blessing and not a curse. Only time will tell.
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