Wider World by CS

I wil telll the real truth (6)

Published on Monday, 20 August 2012 04:52

Written by Than Htut Aung

1

Photo shows an article published on 14-9-1988 in Kyemon newspaper

(1)

When we were young, our parents always guided us by saying, “You have to finish what you start”. They reminded us that those who started the jobs and could not accomplish were the guys with weak hearts and souls and have no value as human beings.

(2)

These words always come into my mind every year on 8 August or in other words the day of upheaval of the people across the country on 8-8-88. The peers of my age between 20 and 25 took the lead role as young students in the revolt without arms against the oppressive regime in 1350 Myanmar era.

The emotional turmoil of the entire population was the consequence of many events such as the sliding down into the poorest country from the most promising nation in the South East Asian region in 26 years; the brutal repression to all the dissidents especially the students; the acute gap between the privilege class and the oppressed majority; and the hindrance against the young ones for the way out for development.

Despite the supreme sacrifices of lives by the people at the turn of 8-8-88, our aspiration for a society of democracy could not be realized, but left with broken hearts and souls, and the hope were gone.

We do not need to gaze in amazement towards the eastern European countries that fight for democracy like us. The countries such as Bangladesh, war ravaged Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos overtook us, while Myanmar bogged down as the poorest nation in the region.

Oppressed people were treated in more cruel way. Young people were lost in the wilderness without hope and work as nearly slave conditions in many countries in the Asian continent.

The morals of the people were down and the characters of the population were ruined. The aspired nation and human society was not in sight. Worse, our generation seemed stuck in limbo. As we were down and out, the next generation is sure to suffer the inferiority in the region.

What had we done wrong? What had happened to us?

Either in a political change or in a political sphere, the most important elements are the courage, the ideology and the balancing act. We have courage. We have ideology. However, we are weak in balancing act. We assumed the 88 upheaval as a revolution. In fact, the revolt without arms is evolution and we failed to recognize its gradual development. That was why the authoritarian regime won and wore the crown of power, taking advantages out of the extreme acts and the disunity of the political leaders at that time. The ambition and objective for the creation of a democratic nation and a genuine union was gone.

(3)

As we have been brought up to our adulthood amidst diverse ideologies, different national races and complex chronological events, it is imperative that we must engage in balancing act in our affairs.

In my previous articles, I pointed out that that there are three factors possible to backsliding the democratization process.

1.    The issues on the affairs of the nationalities and the realization of genuine Union.
2.    The issues on the weak situation of judicial system and the rule of law.
3.    The issues on bribery and corruption and the slow economic development.

Among them the first item namely, “The issues on the affairs of the nationalities and the realization of genuine Union” is the most important and fragile problem. The recent conflict between Rakhine nationals and Bengalis in Rakhine State is one of the strings of issue under this topic, which is being exaggerated by the Islamic countries including the United Nations Organizations. If it is not handled with extreme attention and care, then the issue could jeopardize the future democratization process and our aspiration to build a genuine union would be derailed.

We must be thoughtful and tactful. The most vital factor here is to perform balancing act.

At this juncture, I would like to discuss about the “security aspect of the country and the strategy for international relations” in the post-military regime period. The Rohingya problem should never be approached from the angle of race and religion, but considered through the security and global aspects.

Looking at the table (A) on the population density of our country, Myanmar stands in the Asian continent as a country with least density, favorable weather conditions, and abundant national resources, and strategic location. After more than 50 years of authoritarian regime, the country was robbed of the basic human rights and dived down as the poorest country in Asia. Even then people elsewhere illegally entered the country, and the number has risen to million. In the next 10 to 20 years in terms of development, Myanmar is expected to be on a par with Vietnam and coming up close to Thailand and at the same time the number of illegal migrants is unthinkable, perhaps mounted to tens of million, with the lost identity of Myanmar people. One can imagine the booming number of offspring from such illegal immigrants.

Photo shows a scanned cover Myanmar Citizenship Law

Most possible illegal migrants are from Bangladesh taking large portion of 80 percent. There is possibility of illegal entries from Indian side, but Assam and Mizoram states are not densely populated. Population density in China is not high due to the vast areas of deserts and forests in the country. People from Yunnan Province, southwestern part of China, could illegally move into Myanmar, but the main problem in the mainland is the inadequate number of brides as the females stands 100 against 129 males.

The problem goes wild out of proportion unnecessarily in Rakhine State due to one sided reporting of fabricated news by international media and the strong propaganda machine of Rohingya supporters in the backdrop of poor information policy of Myanmar. Under the circumstance, the relationships of Myanmar with the Islamic countries were stained.

UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Mr. Quintana urged to form international investigation commission to probe the matter and to amend the existing 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Law to enable to accept Rohingyas as citizens; however, there is no scope to amend the law. The imperative principles mentioned in section (3) of chapter (2) of the 1982 law could never be amended. It stipulated on the status in recognizing as citizens for the national races and the ethnic minorities residing in the country before 1823. It also mentioned on the consideration as citizens to the offspring of second and third generations of the immigrants.

[Note: (Chapter II-Citizenship) Nationals such as Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Burman, Mon, Rakhine or Shan and ethnic groups as have settled in any of the territories included within the State as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1185 B.E., 1823 A.D. are Burma citizens.]

The complex reason in recognizing as Myanmar citizens is due to the geographical situation of the country. In this critical juncture, if the OIC member countries and the Islamist nations including the extremists consider Myanmar as adversary, then, we inevitably have to compose our nation similar to Israel.

Those Bengalis residing for many decades in the country are to be scrutinized according to rules and regulations and give the rights entitled to guest citizen or citizen in the aspect of human rights. When they become citizens of Myanmar, they must have the opportunity similar to other citizens (Myanmar-Muslims) with Islamic faith. After scrutiny, they must be permitted to independently travel across the nation. However, the person without the proper citizenship documentations must be treated in accordance with the existing immigration law.

(4)

If our country is pushed into a corner similar to Israel, then our foreign policy and foreign relation must be reviewed and formulated with new strategy. The existing “Independent and Active Foreign Policy” is no more compatible in modern times. We must maintain closer and friendly relations with the western countries including the United States.
On the other hand, the relationship with the People’s Republic of China should be rekindled as it went cold-shouldered due to suspension of the controversial Myitsone Hydro Power Dam Project. We need to make ourselves clear with China that the Myitsone Project is in no way to resume for construction. At the same time, we must convince China that fostering ties with the western countries is not an irritant for Myanmar-China relationship. There are many Chinese private investors who uphold balanced and ethical practices. We must rebuild warm relationship with China through the two peoples.

In boosting good relationship with the western countries at the moment is to realize the three most significant tasks.
1.    Releasing of all remaining political prisoners at the earliest.
2.    Enforcing ceasefire and stop wars in Kachin State.
3.  Permitting the dependable international investigation team to visit Rakhine State. (The recently formed Investigation Commission in Myanmar may work in collaboration with the visiting team with the assistance of the ASEAN countries).

In waging a war for the interest of the nation, media war in the context of soft war was already lost. We have two months time in our hands to prepare for the next diplomatic war.

According to Rohingya organizations abroad, they insisted that there are 1.2 million Rohingyas in Rakhine State, totaling four millions across the world. They claimed -- but have not been proven -- that their motherland was Rakhine State in the western part of Myanmar. This matter should be investigated seriously and brought into light.
At the backdrop of this complex issue, the most decisive task for the government is to put the interests of the Rakhine national in the forefront. The best and most suitable solution is to work for the economic development of the Rakhine State. Possibly, the projects should include the establishment of collective bank of the Rakhine nationals, the provision of electricity to most parts of the areas in Rakhine State, the permission of foreign direct investment (FDI) to international companies including India and China so as to stabilize the Rakhine State through the protection of the large corporate.
As the Rakhine State gradually develops, the racial hatred would eventually be reduced. Conflicts would fade away. This is the possible scenario for the official immigrants and the local ethnic residents to create balancing act. We must formulate and lay down a firm and resolute policy for those who wanted to establish a separate Rohingya State and those who sneak into the Rakhine State.

(5)

Performing of the balancing act is, in fact, not only applicable to the Rohingya issue, but also to the changes currently taking place in the country. (Some critics are of the view that the actual change has not arrived yet. The transition is in the holdup due to the amendments and repair over the errors of the past). 

The balancing act is a pragmatic application for us as it could be used in the reconciliation between the government and the opposition; in the mutual check and balance among the government, the parliament, the judicial sector, and the media; in the realization of lasting peace among the government, the armed forces, and the national race armed groups.

When the balancing act is in good harmony, the changes would be fast. If the balancing act is not smooth, conflict will prevail and the changes would backslide. Establishing of a comprehensive unity and acceptance of all opinions is not possible. We must move ahead to the destination on the basis of performing the balancing act.

(6)
Building our nation in the region where all the citizens could live in dignity, creation of a democratic human society, and the emergence of a Union where all the national races enjoy equal rights are the aspired dream that we envisioned back 24 years. These dreams are just around the corner within our reach. We must equip ourselves with adequate conviction and courage, sufficient ideology and outlook, and tactful ideas to perform balancing act.
We have to finish what we have started.

Population Density Comparison by countries
Country	Area square miles	Population Million	Population by one square mile	Census year	Population density Compare to Myanmar	Cites
Bangladesh	56,977	152	2,678	2012	14	Population and housing census 2011
India	1,222,509	1,200	989	2011	5.3	Censusindia.gov.in
China	3,696,117	1,300	365	2011	1.9	National Bureau of Statistics of China
Thai	198,117	65	332	2010	1.7	citypopulation.de
Laos	91,429	6	70	2012	0.37	Population and Housing Census
Myanmar	261,228	48	186	2012 UN Est	–	World Bank
Indonesia	737,815	237	321	2010	1.7	Baden Pusat Statistik
Malaysia	127,724	29	231	2012	1.2	Department of statistics
Singapore	272	5	19,070	2011	102	Department of statistics
Philippines	115,860	92	798	2010	4.2	2010 Census of population and housing
Cambodia	69,898	13	192	2008	Nearly equivalent	National Institute of Statistics
Vietnam	127,882	87	686	2011	3.6	Gso.gov.vn