วันอังคารที่ 28 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Pictures of Iraq: Photojournalists bear witness to horror in ISIS-occupied Mosul

 Michael Walsh 7 hours ago 

วันจันทร์ที่ 27 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Corroded South Korean ferry loaded onto transport vessel

The Associated Press
Relatives of missing passengers of the sunken ferry Sewol react as they watch the salvage operation under way in the waters off Jindo, South Korea, Saturday, March 25, 2017. Days after South Korean President Park Geun-hye was removed from office, the ferry was lifted slowly from the waters where it sank three years earlier - a disaster that killed more than 300 people, mostly schoolchildren, and ignited public fury against Park and became a nationally polarizing issue. (Lee Jin-wook/Yonhap via AP)more +
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Salvage crews towed a corroded 6,800-ton South Korean ferry and loaded it onto a semi-submersible transport vessel Saturday, completing what was seen as the most difficult part of the massive effort to bring the ship back to shore nearly three years after it sank.
Government officials say it will take a week or two to bring the vessel to a port 90 kilometers (55 miles) away so investigators can search for the remains of nine missing people who were among the 304 who died when the Sewol capsized on April 16, 2014.
Most of the victims were students on a high school trip, touching off an outpouring of national grief and soul searching about long-ignored public safety and regulatory failures. Public outrage over what was seen as a botched rescue job by the government contributed to the recent ouster of Park Geun-hye as president.
"We just got over one hump ... we are trying hard to stay calm," Lee Geum-hee, the mother of a missing schoolgirl, told a television crew.
Bringing the Sewol back to the port in Mokpo would be a step toward finding closure to one of South Korea's deadliest disasters. Once the ferry reaches land, government officials say it will take about a month for the ship to be cleaned and evaluated for safety.
Investigators will then enter the wreckage and begin a three-month search for the remains of the missing victims and for clues further illuminating the cause of the sinking, which has been blamed on overloaded cargo, improper storage and other negligence.
Workers on two barges began the salvaging operation Wednesday night, rolling up 66 cables connected to a frame of metal beams divers spent months placing beneath the ferry, which had been lying on its left side under 44 meters (144 feet) of water.
Relatives of the missing victims, some of whom were watching from two fishing boats just outside the operation area, cried as the blue-and-white right side of the ferry, rusty and scratched and its painted name "SEWOL" no longer visible, emerged from the waters on Thursday morning.
By Friday evening, workers managed to raise the ship 13 meters (42 feet) above the water surface so that they could load it onto the semi-submersible, heavy lift vessel that was about 3 kilometers (2 miles) away. The timing of the move was vital because dangerous water currents were forecast to worsen Saturday.
Five towing vessels slowly pulled the two barges with the partially raised Sewol tied between them. They had placed the Sewol on the vessel's submerged dock by 4:10 a.m. Saturday, according to the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries.
The ministry said Saturday evening that the Sewol had been disconnected from the barges. The transport vessel then raised the dock to fully raise the ferry from the water so that the crew can begin emptying it of water and fuel.
Victims' relatives and government officials disagree on how to proceed with the searches. The government favors cutting off the passenger cabin area and raising it upright before searching for the missing victims, while families fear that cutting into the ship might harm any victims' remains.
A group representing the victims' families has also demanded that it be part of an investigation committee that will be formed to further study the cause of the ship's sinking. Many bereaved family members and their supporters have been demanding a more thorough investigation into the government's responsibility over the sinking, questioning why higher-level officials have not been held accountable.
The ferry's captain is serving a life prison sentence for committing homicide through "willful negligence" because he fled the ship without ordering an evacuation.
Accusations that Park was out of contact for several hours on the day of the sinking were included in the impeachment bill parliament passed in December. She was formally removed from office this month and is under criminal investigation over suspicions that she conspired with a confidante to extort money and favors from companies and allow the friend to secretly interfere with state affairs.

วันศุกร์ที่ 24 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Wat Dhammakaya temple




Thai Buddhist monks pray and gather at Wat Dhammakaya temple in Pathum Thani, Thailand, Feb. 22, 2016.


For nearly a month, the temple was under siege by more than 3,000 troops and police officers
It’s more than eight times bigger than Vatican City and twice the size of Cambodia’s ancient Angkor Wat, making it quite possibly the world’s biggest religious complex. Yet few non-Buddhists have heard of Wat Dhammakaya, a sprawling, extravagant temple compound north of Bangkok that has been at the center of a high-profile power struggle between monks and Thailand’s ruling military.
A gilded golden dome glimmers at the compound’s center, appearing to hover UFO-like over meditation grounds large enough to accommodate a million Dhammakaya devotees hailing from more than 30 countries. Its 15-story globe-shaped office, called the “U.N. of Buddhism” by followers, features an assembly hall to convene thousands of Buddhists.
Dhammakaya temple Buddhist monks scuffle with police after they defied police orders to leave the temple grounds to enable police to seek out their former abbot in Pathum Thani, Thailand, Feb. 20, 2017.
Dhammakaya temple Buddhist monks scuffle with police after they defied police orders to leave the temple grounds to enable police to seek out their former abbot in Pathum Thani, Thailand, Feb. 20, 2017.
For nearly a month, the temple was under siege by more than 3,000 troops and police officers. Police had sought to arrest the temple’s abbot, Luang Por Dhammajayo, who’s wanted on money-laundering charges. It’s a complicated case involving money and politics, and observers say its outcome could shape the future of Thailand.
What makes Dhammakaya different
Dhammakaya’s proselytizing, executed with private-sector efficiency, is unusual for a Buddhist sect. It runs meditation centers from Belgium to Bahrain, Singapore to the Solomon Islands, and broadcasted its own 24-hour TV channel (with an in-house animation studio) until authorities shut it down in December.
Critics say Dhammakaya interprets Buddhism in unorthodox ways. Instead of focusing on detachment from worldly suffering, Dhammakaya teachings are infused with talk of a cosmic battle between light and dark, urging supporters to bring others into the fold to bring about world peace.
One gated 120-acre compound is reserved for up to 400 “advanced meditators,” complete with exercise machines, golf carts from Japan and round-the-clock CCTV security. Only senior monks are allowed into another walled area.
Policemen and Buddhist monks walk inside Dhammakaya temple to search for a fugitive Buddhist monk in Pathum Thani province, Thailand, Feb. 17, 2017.
Policemen and Buddhist monks walk inside Dhammakaya temple to search for a fugitive Buddhist monk in Pathum Thani province, Thailand, Feb. 17, 2017.
Dhammakaya sees worldly activity as crucial for its divine mission, and has drawn a strong following among middle-class people who had trouble connecting with traditional Buddhism.
“When I go, it’s preaching, preaching, preaching — I feel bored,” said Dhammakaya devotee Manoj Hemprommaraj. At Dhammakaya, he said, “I’m only a normal person, (but) I feel I have a target, I can help, I can teach. I feel that life is 200 percent.”
For the temple, donations equal merit. Temple donation boxes feature signs that read “Entrance to Heaven.” Dhammakaya says that over the years it has received hundreds of millions of dollars from a million people.
Critics allege the temple scams ordinary people to build plush pads for corrupt monks. Stories abound in Thailand of friends and relatives asked to donate their life savings to cement their ties to the temple. During the raid, pictures of exercise and massage rooms, golf carts and minimalist glass-and-steel condos were splashed across Thai media. Local papers claim the temple cost 350 billion baht ($10 billion) to construct, a figure that Dhammakaya disputes.
“It’s big, but it’s plain and functional,” said Dhammakaya spokesperson Phra Pasura Dantamano. “It looks exorbitant because of the number of people who are coming.”
Why Dhammakaya is involved in a political struggle
Thailand’s ruling military junta says it’s targeting the temple for a simple reason: fraud.
One of Dhammajayo’s followers, the head of a credit union, was sentenced to 16 years in prison for embezzling money, 1.4 billion baht (about $40 million) of which was donated to the temple, police said. Dhammajayo was charged with money-laundering and receiving stolen property.
The sect says Dhammajayo did not know the money was tainted. Instead, some devotees believe Thailand’s ruling military junta is trying to consolidate power. Though the temple says it’s politically neutral, some view it as supportive of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed in a 2006 military coup engineered by conservative forces. Thaksin lives in self-imposed exile to avoid a prison sentence but remains a political force.
Buddhism is one of three pillars of Thai society, along with monarchy and nationhood, and its institutions have political heft. Monks are granted many concessions, including not paying taxes and being exempt from arrest until they are defrocked.
Dhammakaya stands apart from Thailand’s Buddhist establishment and maintains its own hierarchy. It is run by a board of about 20 senior monks appointed by Dhammajayo.
The sect’s insularity has led to establishment suspicions that it’s plotting to upend Thailand’s political order. One critic, former Dhammakaya monk Mano Laohavanich, even compares the temple’s globalist ambitions to Nazi dreams of world conquest.
What’s next
Police sent thousands of officers to the temple during the weeks-long raid, and about 10,000 temple supporters lived in tents to deter officers from entering the grounds. Both sides agreed to end the standoff March 10. Dhammajayo’s whereabouts are unknown.
Portraits of Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun and the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej are displayed at a department store in central Bangkok, Thailand, Jan. 17, 2017.
Portraits of Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun and the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej are displayed at a department store in central Bangkok, Thailand, Jan. 17, 2017.
The battle isn’t over. The government, keen to avoid any bloodshed, is shifting the fight to courtrooms and the Sangha Supreme Council of Thailand, the nation’s Buddhist authority. King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun has stripped Dhammajayo of his titles. The government has slapped criminal charges on senior monks and continues financial investigations.
“The Dhammakaya movement is now in a process of decay,” Mano said. “No more can they conduct their activity in the same way they did before. No big ceremonies.”
The government wants Dhammajayo defrocked, but only the Sangha Council can do that. Even if it does so, resolving the case could take years if it is appealed. Some observers predict the junta will confiscate Dhammakaya assets by pursuing legal charges against the temple’s foundation, which holds much of its property.
Elections are scheduled in 2018, and some believe the junta is racing to cement its allies in key positions before it must hand the reins to a civilian party. The extent to which they succeed could determine Thailand’s delicate balance of power in upcoming years.

วันอังคารที่ 21 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Wider World by CS: การศึกษาพระรอด

Wider World by CS: การศึกษาพระรอด: เขาว่าพระรอดเป็นพระเครื่องที่เก่าแก่ที่สุดและพระคงก็เป็นพระเครื่องที่สร้างในยุคเดียวกัน/อายุพันปีขึ้น ดังนั้นถ้าอยากได้พระรอดแท้ๆก็ต้องดูเน...

การศึกษาพระรอด

เขาว่าพระรอดเป็นพระเครื่องที่เก่าแก่ที่สุดและพระคงก็เป็นพระเครื่องที่สร้างในยุคเดียวกัน/อายุพันปีขึ้น
ดังนั้นถ้าอยากได้พระรอดแท้ๆก็ต้องดูเนื้อพระคงมาเปรียบเทียบกันถ้าเนื้อไม่เหมือนกันก็ไม่น่าใช่พระแท้

พระเครื่องทั้งสองชนิดมีพุทธศิลปที่สวยงามในการออกแบบสร้างทั้งนี้เพราะคนทางเหนือมีศิลปการออกแบบพระที่สวยงาม/ละเอียดทั้งหน้าตาและรูปร่างพระ/และส่วนประกอบของพระ/นับแต่โบราณการณ์
ดังนั้นผู้ที่สนใจพระเครื่องนี้ต้องยึดแบบที่สวยงามไว้โดยศึกษาจาก:
๑.รูปหน้าตาของพระให้ดี/รูปออกผลมะตูม/หน้าตา/หู/จมูก/ปาก
๒.เนื้อพระ/เนื้อดินละเอียดผสมน้ำว่านเพราะทำให้พระคงทน/นวดผสมกันดี/มักมีแร่ธาตุ
๓.พระคงสุมไฟมิได้เผาเป็นแน่แท้/เหตุเพราะองค์พระเล็กนิดเดียว/จำนวนนับพันๆองค์ก็กองนิดเดียว/องค์ไหนถูกไฟนานๆก็จะหดตัวมากๆ/มีคราบที่เรียกว่าplastic coat เคลือบอยู่/องค์ไหนถูกไฟน้อยก็ดูองค์ใหญ่/เนื้อดินดิบ/มีหลายสีแล้วแต่สภาพที่ถูกไฟสุม
๔.เมื่อมีการบรรจุในกรุก็มักมีคราบเกาะอยู่/ทั้งนี้เพราะความร้อน/ระยะเวลา/ความชื้น/ความเย็น/ละอองฝุ่น/เหล่านี้ล้วนมีผลต่อองค์พระทั้งสิ้น/ทำให้พระแตกต่างกันไป
๕.ความแกร่งแข็งของพระต้องมี/มีเสียงกังวาลเมื่อกระทบกับพวกถ้วยชามภาชนะเคลือบเผา
๖.พระรอด/พระคงให้สังเกตที่นิ้วมือข้างขวาโดยมากจะชัด/ถ้าคล้ายนวมควรห่างไว้ก่อน/หรือเช่าในราคาถูกๆ

ม.โชคชัย ทรงเสี่ยงไชย

ภาพประกอบ

Yazidis who suffered genocide are fleeing again, but this time not from the Islamic State

  
 Relatives collapsed in grief as the coffin of an 18-year-old Yazidi fighter was carried to a small temple at the base of Mount Sinjar.
Salam Mukhaibir’s death this month, along with four other Yazidi fighters, marked the latest dark turn for an Iraqi minority sect that has suffered genocide at the hands of the Islamic State.
But the men were not killed fighting the militants. They died in clashes with Kurdish peshmerga forces when long-simmering rivalries erupted.
The Islamic State overran the town of Sinjar and its surroundings 2½ years ago, executing thousands of Yazidi men, whom it considers apostates. Thousands of women who were kidnapped to be used as sex slaves and their children remain missing.
But the fierce infighting among forces ostensibly meant to be battling the militants now threatens to set back efforts to recapture more land and rebuild areas reduced to rubble.
The conflagration presents a challenge for the United States, which plays a role supporting both Kurdish factions involved — providing military assistance to them, or their affiliates, in the fight against the Islamic State. It also marks a bleak bellwether for the prospects of peace after territory is finally won back from the Islamic State. In neighboring Syria, U.S. troops have already been diverted to prevent warring between rival forces they support.
At a strategic crossroads between Syria, Turkey and Iraq, the traditional Yazidi heartland has become a flash point for Kurdish political rivalries, fueled by the wider competing interests of Turkey, Iran and the Iraqi government in Baghdad.
“We feel like a toy in the hands of the politicians,” Khalaf Bahri, a Yazidi religious sheikh, said before performing the burial rites for the young man, whose body was carried to a cemetery on the mountainside. “Yazidis are wounded and still bleeding. We still have our sisters and daughters and wives in the hands of Islamic State, but now this.”
The slain Yazidi fighters belonged to the Sinjar Resistance Units, a local force affiliated with the military wing of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, a separatist group from neighboring Turkey. The United States has been providing arms to a coalition of forces over the border in Syria led by another PKK affiliate. Some fighters with the Yazidi group carried U.S.-made M-16 rifles. They said the firearms were captured from Islamic State militants or purchased on the black market.
On the other side of the confrontation was the Rojava Peshmerga, largely Syrian Kurds under the command of Kurdistan’s regional government, which the U.S.-led coalition is also supporting in its fight against the Islamic State. They fled to Iraq at the beginning of Syria’s civil war and have been blocked from returning home.
Both sides accuse the other of shooting first.
Kurdish President Masoud Barzani has repeatedly asked the PKK to leave Iraq. But many Yazidis credit the group with saving them when peshmerga forces charged with protecting them abandoned their posts with little fight during the Islamic State’s onslaught in 2014.
Tens of thousands of Yazidis became trapped atop Mount Sinjar as they sought refuge there. Those who did not make it ended up as Islamic State captives or were killed and thrown into one of the dozens of mass gravesthat surround the mountain.
The plight of those stuck on the mountain and surrounded by militants sparked the first aerial bombardment in Iraq by the U.S.-led coalition against Islamic State fighters. But it was the PKK and its Syrian affiliate that fought to open a land route to allow Yazidis to escape on foot.
Since then, the PKK has put down roots, opening schools and training Yazidi fighters. Pictures of Abdullah Ocalan, the group’s figure­head, are ubiquitous in the area. A shrine on the mountainside, illuminated at night, is dedicated to more than 200 fighters from the PKK and aligned factions who died fighting here.
To Kurdistan’s semiautonomous government in northern Iraq, Sinjar is an integral part of its territory. The Iraqi government disputes that claim. Many Yazidis consider themselves ethnically Kurdish.
After Kurdish forces recaptured the town a year and a half ago, Barzani said in a triumphant speech from the mountainside that the Kurdish flag would be the only one to fly there. Since then, his party has expanded its influence, but the PKK has stayed put.
“We are vulnerable and in a weak position, so whoever gives us a piece of bread, a house, a weapon — people will take it,” said Bahri, the Yazidi sheikh at the funeral, who is aligned with Yazidi-PKK forces. “Our leaders have sold themselves for money.”
‘We have been betrayed’
As the rival sides vie for influence, thousands of Yazidis who took up arms against the Islamic State have also joined the peshmerga.
Hayder Shesho, who heads a force of Yazidi fighters, is integrating 1,000 of them into peshmerga ranks.
Shesho said he has decided to merge his forces with the peshmerga because it was the “only open door.” He said he was arrested in 2015 in what he describes as an attempt to “pressure” him.
“Yes, we have been betrayed by them. Yes, we have been abandoned by them,” he said of the Kurdish regional government’s ruling party. “But we are Kurds.”
He said the U.S.-led coalition should “take responsibility” and unite Yazidis, calling for international forces to protect them. “No one represents the Yazidis,” he lamented.
The clashes in recent weeks have sent thousands of Yazidi families that had returned to villages fleeing once more, some back to the mountain that provided them sanctuary in 2014.
“We’re poor; we’ve been through genocide,” said Gowri Mitchka, who was putting up tents with 20 members of her extended family. “We don’t want to be a part of this. We need help.”
Farther up the road, on the winding track that leads over the mountain, someone has spray-painted words that echo the sentiments of many here: “Yazidism unites us, the parties divide us.”
Two days after the clashes this month, the peshmerga — riding atop bulldozers — created large earthen barriers between the two sides, and soldiers restricted traffic along the road. The other side was also building defenses.
“This isn’t a front line,” said Maj. Gen. Bahjat Taymis, a peshmerga commander, as he sat on a rooftop at his base, looking out toward the PKK positions on the other side. “We have no borders here; this is all Kurdistan.”
But it had the signs of a front line, with armored vehicles lined up behind the berms.
Taymis said the Rojava Peshmerga had been on a mission to cut off smuggling routes, and fighters were setting up a base on the edge of the village of Khana Sour when they were surrounded. Reinforcements sent in were then fired upon, he added.
The PKK said the fighting began after two of its fighters were shot dead as they tried to block the advancing convoy. The five Yazidis died in those clashes, according to PKK and Yazidi commanders.
Shesho and PKK commanders said the decision to deploy a foreign force was a deliberate provocation. Kurdistan’s government contends that it can deploy forces in its territory as it wishes.
Circumventing the barriers between the two sides involves navigating dirt tracks at the foot of the mountain. On the other side, Yazidi fighters set up new mortar positions. But instead of pointing at the Islamic State militants, they were angled toward Taymis and his men.
“First, we will try and solve this through dialogue, but if not we will fight them, because it’s the will of the people,” said Zardasht Shingali, a 30-year-old commander with the group. “They are distracting us from fighting the Islamic State.”
He said the opponents were not real peshmerga but “thugs.”
“We consider Sinjar part of Kurdistan, and we have no problem with the peshmerga,” he said. “But these people are gangsters, working on a Turkish agenda.”
Turkey considers the PKK a terrorist group and has said it will not let Sinjar become a “new Qandil,” referring to the mountain range in northern Iraq that has become a hideout for PKK forces waging attacks against the Turkish state.
Others say the Sinjar Resistance Units are also influenced by outside forces, through their close relationship with the PKK and links to the Iraqi government’s popular mobilization forces, which are dominated by Iranian-backed militias.
“We will not accept a Turkish agenda or an Iranian agenda. Turkey and Iran are trying to pull Sinjar into a regional conflict, and Sinjar will not accept it,” said Mahama Khalil, the mayor of Sinjar, who belongs to the same party as Kurdistan’s president. He added that the PKK should leave.
But for the Iraqi government, the PKK presence in Sinjar provides a counterbalance to Kurdistan’s ruling party and Yazidi fighters said Baghdad paid their wages until late last year.
Blurred lines
Commanders with the Sinjar Resistance Units insist that they are independent and receive support only from their community. However, lines distinguishing it from the PKK are blurred, and Turkish and Iranian Kurds are among their ranks
One 35-year-old Kurdish Iranian manning a checkpoint said he was moved from the PKK’s military wing to the Yazidi force about 15 months ago. A 17-year-old fighter with the group also said he was from Iran.
Agit Civiyan, a commander for the PKK’s military wing in Sinjar, said some fighters were integrated into the Yazidi ranks for “training and education” purposes. He said the PKK was ready to leave when no longer needed, but that the Yazidis still required protection.
While the infighting continues, little has been done to rebuild Sinjar — Kurdish officials say they cannot begin until the PKK leaves — and areas nearby are still under Islamic State control.
“We blame them all,” he said. “They don’t care about anyone else. Why are they fighting each other when they should be liberating our villages?”
His family has been living in a tent on the mountain for 2½  years because their village, Tal Azair, is still under Islamic State control. Two of his children died when the family’s tent caught fire, and his wife’s face and arms are scarred from burns. Her sister’s husband was killed when the militants advanced on the village.
“We don’t want these people fighting on our land,” he said. “But we have no power. It’s inevitable.”