วันอาทิตย์ที่ 31 ธันวาคม พ.ศ. 2560

The great warrior’s tomb of Genghis Khan

While the great warrior’s tomb may contain treasure from across the ancient Mongol Empire, Mongolians want its location to remain a mystery.
This is an outsized land for outsized legends. No roads, no permanent buildings; just unfurling sky, tufted dry grass and streaming wind. We stopped to drink salted milk tea in nomads’ round ger tents and to snap pictures of roaming horses and goats. Sometimes we stopped just for the sake of stopping ‒ Ömnögovi Province, Mongolia, is endless by car. I couldn’t imagine tackling it on a horse.
But this is the country of Genghis Khan, the warrior who conquered the world on horseback. His story is full of kidnappings, bloodshed, love and revenge.
That’s just history. The legend begins with his death.
Genghis Khan (known in Mongolia as Chinggis Khaan) once ruled everything between the Pacific Ocean and the Caspian Sea. Upon his death he asked to be buried in secret. A grieving army carried his body home, killing anyone it met to hide the route. When the emperor was finally laid to rest, his soldiers rode 1,000 horses over his grave to destroy any remaining trace.
In the 800 years since Genghis Khan’s death, no-one has found his tomb.
Genghis Khan once ruled everything between the Pacific Ocean and the Caspian Sea (Credit: Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Genghis Khan once ruled everything between the Pacific Ocean and the Caspian Sea (Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Foreign-led expeditions have pursued the grave through historical texts, across the landscape and even from space ‒ National Geographic’s Valley of the Khans Project used satellite imagery in a mass hunt for the gravesite. But most interest in locating the tomb is international; Mongolians don’t want it found.
It’s not that Genghis Khan isn’t significant in his homeland ‒ quite the reverse. His face is on the money and on the vodka; he probably hasn’t been this popular since his death in 1227. So it can be difficult for outsiders to understand why it’s considered taboo to seek his grave.
Genghis Khan did not want to be found
The reluctance is often romanticised by foreign media as a curse, a belief that the world will end if Genghis Khan’s tomb is discovered. This echoes the legend of Tamarlane, a 14th-Century Turkic-Mongolian king whose tomb was opened in 1941 by Soviet archaeologists. Immediately following the tomb’s disturbance, Nazi soldiers invaded the Soviet Union, launching World War II’s bloody Eastern Front. Superstitious people might call that cause and effect.
But Uelun, my translator, was having none of it. A young Mongolian with a degree in international relations from Buryat State University in Ulan-Ude, Russia, she did not seem superstitious. In her opinion, it is about respect. Genghis Khan did not want to be found.
One thousand horses trampled the grave of Genghis Khan to destroy any trace (Credit: Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
One thousand horses trampled the grave of Genghis Khan to destroy any trace (Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
“They went through all that effort to hide his tomb,” she pointed out. Opening it now would violate his wishes.
This was a common sentiment. Mongolia is a country of long traditions and deep pride. Many families hang tapestries or portraits of the Grand Khan. Some identify themselves as ‘Golden Descendants’, tracing their ancestry to the royal family. Throughout Mongolia, the warrior remains a powerful icon.
The search for Genghis Khan’s tombBeyond cultural pressures to honour Genghis Khan’s dying wish for secrecy, a host of technical problems hinder the search for his tomb. Mongolia is huge and underdeveloped ‒ more than seven times the size of Great Britain with only 2% of its roads. The population density is so low that only Greenland and a few remote islands can beat it. As such, every view is epic wilderness. Humanity, it seems, is just there to provide scale: the distant, white curve of a herdsman’s ger, or a rock shrine fluttering with prayer flags. Such a landscape holds on to its secrets.
Mongolia is more than seven times the size of Great Britain with only 2% of its roads (Credit: Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Mongolia is more than seven times the size of Great Britain with only 2% of its roads (Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Dr Diimaajav Erdenebaatar has made a career overcoming such challenges in pursuit of archaeology. Head of the Department of Archaeology at Ulaanbaatar State Universityin Mongolia’s capital city, Dr Erdenebaatar was part of the first joint expedition to find the tomb. The Japanese-Mongolian project called Gurvan Gol (meaning ‘Three Rivers’) focused on Genghis Khan’s birthplace in Khentii Province where the Onon, Kherlen and Tuul rivers flow. That was in 1990, the same year as the Mongolian Democratic Revolution, when the country peacefully rejected its communist government for a new democratic system. It also rejected the search for Genghis Khan, and public protests halted the Gurvan Gol project.
Uelun and I met Dr Erdenebaatar at Ulaanbaatar State University to talk tombs ‒ specifically similarities between his current project and the resting place of Genghis Khan. Since 2001 Dr Erdenebaatar has been excavating a 2,000-year-old cemetery of Xiongnu kings in central Mongolia’s Arkhangai Province. Dr Erdenebaatar believes the Xiongnu were ancestors of the Mongols ‒ a theory Genghis Khan himself shared. This could mean similar burial practices, and the Xiongnu graves may illustrate what Genghis Khan’s tomb looked like.
Many believe Genghis Khan's tomb could be filled with treasures from across the Mongol Empire (Credit: Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Many believe Genghis Khan's tomb could be filled with treasures from across the Mongol Empire (Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Xiongnu kings were buried more than 20m underground in log chambers, with the sites marked above ground with a square of stones. It took Dr Erdenebaatar 10 summers to excavate the first tomb, which had already been hit by robbers. Despite this, it contained a wealth of precious goods indicating the Xiongnu’s diplomatic reach: a Chinese chariot, Roman glassware and plenty of precious metals.
Dr Erdenebaatar took me to the university’s tiny archaeology museum to see the artefacts. Gold and silver ornaments were buried with the horses sacrificed at the gravesite. He pointed out leopards and unicorns within the designs ‒ royal imagery also used by Genghis Khan and his descendants.
There already aren’t enough lifetimes for this work ‒ history is too big
Many believe Genghis Khan’s tomb will be filled with similar treasures gathered from across the Mongol Empire. It’s one reason foreign interest remains strong. But if the Grand Khaan was buried in the Xiongnu style, it may be difficult ‒ if not impossible ‒ to know for sure. Such a tomb could be hidden by simply removing the marker stones. With the main chamber 20m down, it would be impossible to find in the vastness of Mongolia.
When I asked Dr Erdenebaatar if he thought Genghis Khan would ever be found, he responded with a calm, almost indifferent, shrug. There already aren’t enough lifetimes for his work. History is too big.
A possible lead in a forbidden locationFolklore holds that Genghis Khan was buried on a peak in the Khentii Mountains called Burkhan Khaldun, roughly 160km north-east of Ulaanbaatar. He had hidden from enemies on that mountain as a young man and pledged to return there in death. Yet there’s dissent among scholars as to precisely where on the mountain he’d be ‒ if at all.
Legend has it that Genghis Khan was buried in the Khentii Mountains (Credit: Credit: Peter Langer/Design Pics Inc/Alamy)
Legend has it that Genghis Khan was buried in the Khentii Mountains (Credit: Peter Langer/Design Pics Inc/Alamy)
“It is a sacred mountain,” acknowledged Dr Sodnom Tsolmon, professor of history at Ulaanbaatar State University with an expertise in 13th-Century Mongolian history. “It doesn’t mean he’s buried there.”
Scholars use historical accounts to puzzle out the location of Genghis Khan’s tomb. Yet the pictures they create are often contradictory. The 1,000 running horses indicate a valley or plain, as at the Xiongnu graveyard. Yet his pledge pins it to a mountain. To complicate matters further, Mongolian ethnologist S Badamkhatan identified five mountains historically called Burkhan Khaldun (though he concluded that the modern Burkhan Khaldun is probably correct).  
Theories as to Genghis Khan’s whereabouts hang in unprovable limbo
Neither Dr Tsolmon nor I could climb Burkhan Khaldun; women aren’t welcome on the sacred mountain. Even the surrounding area was once closed to everyone but royal family. Once known as the Ikh Khorig, or ‘Great Taboo’, is now the Khan Khentii Strictly Protected Area and a Unesco World Heritage site. Since achieving this designation, Burkhan Khaldun has been off-limits to researchers, which means any theories as to Genghis Khan’s whereabouts hang in unprovable limbo.
Honouring a warrior’s final wish With the tomb seemingly out of reach, why does it remain such a controversial issue in Mongolia?
Genghis Khan's rule enshrined the concepts of diplomatic immunity and religious freedom (Credit: Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Genghis Khan's rule enshrined the concepts of diplomatic immunity and religious freedom (Credit: Samuel Bergstrom)
Genghis Khan is simply Mongolia’s greatest hero. The West recalls only what he conquered, but Mongolians remember what he created. His empire connected East and West, allowing the Silk Road to flourish. His rule enshrined the concepts of diplomatic immunity and religious freedom. He established a reliable postal service and the use of paper money. Genghis Khan didn’t just conquer the world, he civilised it.
Genghis Khan didn’t just conquer the world, he civilised it
He remains to this day a figure of enormous respect ‒ which is why Mongolians like Uelun want his tomb to remain undisturbed.
“If they’d wanted us to find it, they would have left some sign.”
That is her final word.
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วันพุธที่ 27 ธันวาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Sony's A7R III mirrorless can take anything you throw at it

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วันจันทร์ที่ 18 ธันวาคม พ.ศ. 2560

Could Aung San Suu Kyi face Rohingya genocide charges?

  • 18 December 2017
Myanmar's State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi leaves after speaking during the Myanmar Education Development Implementation Seminar at Myanmar International Convention Center (MICC - 2), in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, 8 December 2017Image copyrightEPA
Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, is determined that the perpetrators of the horrors committed against the Rohingya face justice.
He's the head of the UN's watchdog for human rights across the world, so his opinions carry weight.
It could go right to the top - he doesn't rule out the possibility that civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the head of the armed forces Gen Aung Min Hlaing, could find themselves in the dock on genocide charges some time in the future.
Earlier this month, Mr Zeid told the UN Human Rights Council that the widespread and systematic nature of the persecution of the Rohingya in Myanmar (also called Burma) meant that genocide could not be ruled out.
Media captionZeid Ra’ad Al Hussein says he appealed to Aung San Suu Kyi to end military operations
"Given the scale of the military operation, clearly these would have to be decisions taken at a high level," said the high commissioner, when we met at the UN headquarters in Geneva for BBC Panorama.
That said, genocide is one of those words that gets bandied about a lot. It sounds terrible - the so-called "crime of crimes". Very few people have ever been convicted of it.
The crime was defined after the Holocaust. Member countries of the newly founded United Nations signed a convention, defining genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy a particular group.
It is not Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein's job to prove acts of genocide have been committed - only a court can do that. But he has called for an international criminal investigation into the perpetrators of what he has called the "shockingly brutal attacks" against the Muslim ethnic group who are mainly from northern Rakhine in Myanmar.
But the high commissioner recognised it would be a tough case to make: "For obvious reasons, if you're planning to commit genocide you don't commit it to paper and you don't provide instructions."
"The thresholds for proof are high," he said. "But it wouldn't surprise me in the future if a court were to make such a finding on the basis of what we see."
Rohingya refugees line up for a food supply distribution at the Kutupalong refugee camp near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh 12 December 2017.Image copyrightREUTERS
By the beginning of December, nearly 650,000 Rohingya - around two thirds of the entire population - had fled Myanmar after a wave of attacks led by the army that began in late August.
Hundreds of villages were burned and thousands are reported to have been killed.
There is evidence of terrible atrocities being committed: massacres, murders and mass rapes - as I heard myself when I was in the refugee camps as this crisis began.
What clearly rankles the UN human rights chief is that he had urged Ms Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Myanmar, to take action to protect the Rohingya six months before the explosion of violence in August.
He said he spoke to her on the telephone when his office published a report in February documenting appalling atrocities committed during an episode of violence that began in October 2016.
"I appealed to her to bring these military operations to an end," he told me. "I appealed to her emotional standing… to do whatever she could to bring this to a close, and to my great regret it did not seem to happen."
Media captionRohingya Muslims displaced from Tula Toli village in Rakhine State gave disturbing accounts
Ms Suu Kyi's power over the army is limited, but Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein believes she should have done more to try and stop the military campaign.
He criticised her for failing to use the term "Rohingya". "To strip their name from them is dehumanising to the point where you begin to believe that anything is possible," he said - powerful language for a top UN official.
He thought Myanmar's military was emboldened when the international community took no action against them after the violence in 2016. "I suppose that they then drew a conclusion that they could continue without fear," he said.
"What we began to sense was that this was really well thought out and planned," he told me.
Myanmar's military commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing during a high-level meeting at the President's resident office in the capital Naypyitaw, Myanmar, 31 October 2014.Image copyrightEPA
Image captionMyanmar general Min Aung Hlaing heads the country's armed forces
The Myanmar government has said the military action was a response to terrorist attacks in August which killed 12 members of the security forces.
But BBC Panorama has gathered evidence that shows that preparations for the continued assault on the Rohingya began well before that.
We show that Myanmar had been training and arming local Buddhists. Within weeks of last year's violence the government made an offer: "Every Rakhine national wishing to protect their state will have the chance to become part of the local armed police."
"This was a decision made to effectively perpetrate atrocity crimes against the civilian population," said Matthew Smith, chief executive of the human rights organisation Fortify Rights which has been investigating the build-up to this year's violence.
That view is borne out by refugees in the vast camps in Myanmar who saw these volunteers in action, attacking their Rohingya neighbours and burning down their homes.
"They were just like the army, they had the same kind of weapons", said Mohammed Rafique, who ran a successful business in Myanmar. "They were local boys, we knew them. When the army was burning our houses, torturing us, they were there."
Media captionRohingya refugees tell the BBC of "house by house" killings
Meanwhile the Rohingya were getting more vulnerable in other ways.
By the summer food shortages were widespread in north Rakhine - and the government tightened the screws. The programme has learnt that from mid-August the authorities had cut off virtually all food and other aid to north Rakhine.
And the army brought in reinforcements. On 10 August, two weeks before the militant attacks, it was reported that a battalion had been flown in.
The UN human rights representative for Myanmar was so concerned she issued a public warning, urging restraint from the Myanmar authorities.
But when Rohingya militants launched attacks on 30 police posts and an army base, the military response was huge, systematic and devastating.
Media captionWhat has Aung San Suu Kyi said about Rohingya Muslims?
The BBC asked Aung San Suu Kyi and the head of the Myanmar armed forces for a response. But neither of them has replied.
Almost four months on from those attacks and Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein is concerned the repercussions of the violence are not yet over. He fears this "could just be the opening phases of something much worse".
He worries jihadi groups could form in the huge refugee camps in Bangladesh and launch attacks in Myanmar, perhaps even targeting Buddhist temples. The result could be what he called a "confessional confrontation" - between Buddhists and Muslims.
It is a frightening thought, as the high commissioner acknowledged, but one he believes Myanmar isn't taking seriously enough.
"I mean the stakes are so enormous," he said. "This sort of flippant manner by which they respond to the serious concerns of the international community is really alarming."